Expositio super Regulam
Commentary on the Rule of the Lesser Brothers
by Angelo Clareno
Translated and edited by Campion Murray OFM
(2014 edition)
Introduction by Felice Accrocca
Table of Contents
- INTRODUCTION
- 1. The Life
- 2. The writings
- 3. The Debate on the Rule of the Franciscan Order
- 4. The Commentary on the Rule of the Lesser Brothers
PrefaceCh 1Ch 2Ch 3Ch 4Ch 5Ch 6Ch 7Ch 8Ch 9Ch 10Ch 11Ch 12Epilogue
INTRODUCTION
By Felice Accrocca
The present work has been written and intended for a public that includes not only specialists but also a more numerous number of students who need, as a matter of urgency, texts presented in modern editions, exact but easily usable.
For this reason, the work has been given a clear and systematic structure, like a manual, reworking the material on the life of Clareno and on all his writings. This will facilitate the reading for one who for the first time meets a person so rich and fascinating, but also complex and not always easy to understand.
Together with Ubertino of Casale, Angelo Clareno was ‘the principal exponent of the Franciscan Spirituals of the XIIIth and XIVth centuries’. Loved and persecuted in life, he is a person who does not cease to provoke discussion and on whom up till now sufficient light has not been shone. And in reality, history has not always been accurate since it has been guided ‘by an intention to judge more than to understand’.
This is perhaps the reason why so often interpretation has started from a priori positions with the aim of protecting either the orthodoxy or holiness of Clareno, or, on the contrary, preoccupied with demonstrating his heterodoxy and fanaticism.
Above all if we want to confirm and underline what will lead to sure conclusions (as far as this is possible), solidly documented, it is most important to submit the writings of Clareno to an analytical and minute study, something that, for the most part, has not yet been done.
1. The Life
First years.
While it is certain that Peter of Fossombrone and Angelo Clareno are the same person, we do not yet know when he was born. While the date proposed by Sabatier is surely untenable, namely, that the year of his birth was around 1240, the hypotheses of Sabatier, von Auw and Beradini are yet to be tested.
Beradini has put forward rather precise positions: ‘Angelo Clareno was born in 1245; his entry into the Order was in 1257/58; his religious profession in 1260/63’. This hypothesis is based on a double reference in Chronicon, where Clareno affirms that he knew personally Brother Angelo Tancredi, a companion of St Francis, and who died in 1258. On the other hand, according to Oliger, Clareno took the Franciscan habit in 1270, and this is based on what Clareno himself says in Letter 43, addressed to Robert of Mileto. In this opinion the year of birth would be at least ten years later. This is based on two points: the ‘almost sixty years’ and the biblical reference to the birth of Benjamin. For Oliger, who says the letter dates from 1330, the birth of Benjamin represents Clareno’s entry into the Order, while for Beradini, who ascribes the letter to 1323-25, ‘the birth of Benjamin is the reorganisation of the Fraticelli after the Pontifical condemnation of the years 1317-18, the same time as the death of the mother, that is, at the storm that destroyed the unity of the Order, with the controversies over the poverty of Christ (1323) that finished with the scandalous revolt of Michael of Cesena’.
But in reality, both the opinion of Oliger and even more that of Beradini, have no solid basis. In fact, the letter to Robert of Mileto carries no date, and if Oliger dates it in 1330 and Beradini in 1323-25, von Auw puts it later in 1334-37. The date proposed by Beradini is impossible because, on the sole basis of the fragment edited by Ehrle, it takes no account of what Clareno affirms in the letter: ‘For I am old and I have lost my appetite for all food and I wait to be freed at an hour from the body of this death’ [Rom 7:24]. In our opinion, this same statement makes it impossible to hold the date proposed by Oliger, because if already in 1330 several letters mention precarious conditions of health, it is difficult to reconcile that date with the strong expressions contained in Lettera 43. We then opt for the date proposed by von Auw, the last years of the life of Clareno (1336-37), because Clareno affirms he had nothing to write for him; it is difficult to put this statement in the time at Subiaco.
Another weakness in the opinions of Oliger and Beradini is the interpretation of the biblical event of the birth of Benjamin; even here we are in an area of hypothesis. If Oliger is wrong in seeing in it the entry of Clareno into the Order, because Clareno himself speaks of such an event as something that is ahead of him – ‘I look at’ -, Beradini is at fault because the date he suggests for the letter, a date that necessarily affects also he interpretation of the text, is not completely tenable.
In fact, I claim that by putting off the date of the writing of the letter to the last years of the life of Clareno (1336-37), one is able to refer with more surely not only to the first point, the birth of Clareno, but also to his first imprisonment dated around 1279-80.
Taking the words ‘almost sixty years’ to refer to his first imprisonment, the identification of the second element becomes more difficult. Here also, I hold we should be guided by the dating of the writing: the birth of Benjamin could in fact be seen as a rebirth of the evangelical life after the death of the mother, the Franciscan Order, after it was overcome by the storm released on it in the time of John XXII. The reference to Olivi could instead be seen as a reference to this death, an hypothesis more probable, perhaps, when not wanting to fix a precise moment in the life of Olivi, but as one element in his likeness to Francis.
So, what date should be given for the birth of Clareno? I favour the date given by Oliger for reasons different from his, and I think the birth of the Spiritual of the Marches can be put in 1255 and his entry into the Order around 1270.
Above all, because it would seem improbable that if Clareno was born in 1245 he drew attention to himself only in 1279-80, that is, at an age of about thirty five years, when, even as a youth, he had been attached to the ideals of the Franciscan Spirituals.
Secondly, and this is only a suggestion but put forward with good reason, Clareno, according to the date proposed by Beradini, would have lived for ninety two years: at the age of eighty nine he would have had to flee to the kingdom of Naples, and this after a difficult life, after imprisonments, hardships, and persecutions! Further, at the age of eighty five he would have written his Apologia. To me this is excessive. I repeat that this is only a suggestion but how can it be ignored?
First imprisonment and mission in Armenia.
In any case, he, together with his companions, had to endure ten long years of imprisonment and severe privations: we believe, with von Auw, that the events related by Clareno in Lettera 14 refer to the years he had to spend in prison before being released by order of Raymond Gaufredi in 1289-80. The imprisonment was caused by the disturbance produced among the brothers of the Marches following the spread of the news about the changes in the structure of the Order decided on in the Second Council of Lyons (1274).
The same Raymond Gaufredi, then, thinking that it would be insecure for them to remain in the same places where they had been imprisoned, accepted the request of King Ayton, and sent Clareno and his companions on mission to Armenia of Cilicia.
They were satisfactorily accepted by the King and justified their acceptance by giving a witness of an exemplary life that greatly impressed him, and also his misters, the clerics and religious. The same king sent to Raymond, the Minister General, a letter full of praise for the brothers; the letter was read in Paris during the General Chapter of 1292, and confirmed by the evidence of two barons and other honourable men, ‘perfectly fluent In the French language’.
The brothers of the province of Syria, however, sent defamatory letters about them: the King summoned and questioned them; after listening to them his esteem for them was even higher. But, seeing that the enmity of the brothers towards them did not cease, they decided to return home, some going to their provinces, some to the Minister General.
The ‘Poor Hermits of Pope Celestine’.
On returning to their province, Peter of Fossombrone and Peter of Macerate, found a most unfavourable welcome, due mainly to the work of Brother Monaldo, Vicar of that same province. On the advice of the Minister General, they went to Pope Celestine V who was then still in Aquila. They presented their situation to the Pope and, after listening to them, he drew up the constitutions of a new Order of Poor Hermits. Directly subject to the Pope and in dressed in a monastic habit they would have been able to observe the Rule and the Testament of Francis, according to the intention of the Founder. As I noted on another occasion:
We find ourselves faced here with a fact perhaps unique in the history of the Middle Ages. These Franciscans on two occasions made their vows as Lesser Brothers, wearing two different habits, the first before their religious superior and then before the Pope.
Once they heard of the decision made by Pope Celestine V, the reaction of the brothers of the Community was violent. Recruiting assassins, they attempted, ‘armed with weapons’, to capture Clareno and his companions while the Pope was still in Aquila. After the renunciation of Celestine V, Clareno and his companions decided the best thing would be ‘to withdraw to remote and desert places’, so as to serve the Lord freely ‘without causing disturbance and scandal to people’. These facts, recorded in the Chronicon, are fully in accord with the Epistola Excusatoria. The incident reveals the immediate effect on the brothers of the Community and the importance they attached to the decision made by Pope Celestine V; they were unafraid to violate it without delay – ‘consciously, in contempt of any reverence due to a command of the Pope, and far from any feeling of divine fear, love and honesty’ as Clareno said – and to act with no approval simply to prevent such a decision being realized.
In Greece.
This, then, reopened for them the way of exile, this time in Greece, in Achaia, near the island of Thessaly. I leave aside a description of these events of which we possess conflicting data, and I go back to what has been written by others. The importance of this time in Greece remains basic for the writings of Clareno; he gained, in fact, an expert knowledge of Greek as is clearly evident in his words such as the Expositio, the Apologia and in some letters.
Instead, I regard it as important to say a word on the witness given by Ubertino in his Arbor Vitae. Ubertino says that Brothers Liberato, Clareno and their companions, during their exile in Greece, had identified Boniface VIII with the mystical antichrist, symbolised in the image of the beast in the book of Revelation, and his statement has often been quoted.
While Oliger quotes this text to prove how well Clareno knew Greek, Frugoni, von Auw and Damiata seem to regard all it says as true. There can be no doubt that Clareno and his companions had little sympathy for Boniface VIII. Nevertheless, we cannot find the least indication in his writings that would confirm such an identification of Boniface VIII with the beast of the Apocalypse. And perhaps it is not wrong to suppose that Ubertino was forced to find support for his thesis. Not even against John XXII, the Pope who with the Bull Cum inter nonnullos had declared heretical the thesis on the poverty of Christ and his apostles, did Clareno make such an identification. Therefore, we hold that one has to very cautious in accepting that evidence of Ubertino.
Again in Italy.
We know little of the years spent in Italy prior to the transfer to Avignon in 1311. A group of brothers, together with Brother Liberatus, went to settle in the region of Molisana (?) at the invitation of Andrew of Isernia. It would seem that the intervention of Thomas of Aversa, a Dominican Inquisitor of the province of Naples, happened at this time. This Dominican had previously counselled and favoured the flight of Brother Liberatus, who, acting on his advice tried to reach the Curia in Avignon, had to stay in Viterbo, seriously ill; after two years of suffering, in the hermitage of St Angelus of Vena, ‘he was called to another curia’, and the ‘angelic man died’. Later, however, Thomas of Aversa, acting in an underhand way, succeeded in arresting forty two brothers, against whom he was cruel and implacable, accusing them of belonging to the sect of Dolcino.
Meanwhile, Angelo, on returning to Italy, met with Cardinal Napoleon Orsini in Perugia, by whom he was kindly welcomed. Clareno relates that ‘he wanted to take me with him but, weakened by sickness, I was not able to follow him. Hence, I remained in the area of Rome’. We do not know whether he lived in a hermitage or travelled in the regions of central Italy, between Umbria, the Marche of Ancona and the Roman Province; the second hypothesis is more probable because Angelo, with Liberatus now dead, had become the point of reference of the group and his direction was needed at that time; this could not have happened unless he travelled to keep constant contact.
The Epistola Excusatoria, in a shorter form, and the Apologia, give us information of a process that he had to undergo in Rome, where fifteen accusations had been made against him by Martin of Casalbore. However, he succeeded in avoiding the accusation of heresy and he went to the Curia in Avignon where Isnardo Tacconi, who had been named bishop of Antioch in 1311, presented his position to Pope Clement V.
The stay in Avignon.
Meanwhile, he developed a connection of respect and friendship with Cardinal James Colonna and remained n Rome until 1309 when he transferred to the Curia in Avignon, from where a few years before he had been forced to become the guide of the group after the death of Brother Liberatus. During his time in Avignon, that lasted longer than he had expected – Clareno says in the Epistola Excusatoria that this was due to a divine disposition – he remained in the house of the Cardinal, enjoying his protection. This was a situation of security that later Clareno, perhaps precisely because it was too secure and comfortable and so different from his companions who were refugees and vagabonds, and as if wanting to deny any possible accusation of comfortable flight, he will define as ‘most bitter’, stating that he detested it ‘more than any punishment that up till now I have experienced in this world’.
He attended the Council of Vienna (1311-12) and in the following years more than on one occasion seemed to be optimistic about the cause he had discussed in the Curia. He writes in this vein in a letter of 1312 and it is from this letter we know he was sick. In Lettera 43, written in the spring of the following year, he reported the canonisation of Celestine V, the publication of the constitutions of the Council of Vienna (published only one year later) and the judgment of the pope on the adversaries of Olivi. On this last point, he was able to state the great devotion of the people of Provence for him and the large gathering of people who, at Narbonne, came to his tomb on the anniversary of his death.
Through James Colonna, he made contact with the son of the King of Majorca, Philip, with whom he developed a strong friendship. On several occasions, he showed the great admiration he had for this young man of royal blood. He proposed him as an example to the Italian brothers, affirming that in spite of the education he had received at court, he was not unworthy to live the full integrity of the Rule.
To be situated in this period of waiting, in fact, at a time when he hoped that the question might be resolved in a better way, is the downright denial of the Spirituals of Toscana, who, at the end of the spring of 1313, rebelled against the hierarchy of the Order and elected their own General; they had to take refuge in Sicily under the protection of Frederick III of Aragon.
Nevertheless, the Spirituals did not succeed in obtaining as much as they had received from Celestine V for the reason that Clement V did not allow them to separate themselves from the Order and live in a group apart under another obedience. A passage from some years later shows how clearly Clareno understood the problem when he stated strongly:
Under the one rule of Saint Benedict many Orders serve Christ. And just as each of the rules mentioned had reformers, so the one rule of Saint Francis, with the permission of the Church and the Supreme Pontiff, could have reformers who would observe the rule more perfectly than the Order was then observing it. This unity does not come from inviolable statutes comparable to the unity of the Church and Gospel, because if Supreme Pontiff so wished he could give one general to the ultramontanes and another for the Italians; and he could allow brothers who wanted to observe the Rule according to the intention of the Founder to have both he name of Lesser Brothers and the Rule. From this no harm would come to the Order or to the Rule.
At least twice in this passage he affirms the undisputed authority of the Pontiff who alone could give such a privilege. Also in the Apologia, Clareno mentions ‘the most perfect and most holy life of Christ and his most divine and supreme authority that resides in the Church and in the Vicar of Christ, and without which no Order can be begun or renewed’. This is a balanced position, chosen by many before him in the monastic tradition and practised by so many others after him, even in the Franciscan body. There comes immediately to an historian the question already asked by Fr Doucet: ‘If in past centuries separations were made correctly or permission was given in an Order itself for living in separate places or in hermitages, why was it not equally right and useful in this case?’ Not even Philip of Majorca, who requested it often with insistence, succeeded in obtaining such a solution.
After James Colonna, Clareno lived in various places; Montpellier, Avignon, Carpentras, Valenza sul Rodano. After the death of Clemnt V, 13 April 1314, there were more than two years with no Pope. In a letter written from Valenza, most probably in the autumn of 1314, Angelo criticised the divisions reached in Carpentras within the Sacred College, and used quite severe words in confronting the conduct of the cardinals.
On 7 August 1316, the more than seventy years old James Duèse was elected with the name of John XXII. The old man, not yet a combative Pontiff, who knew well the tensions that disturbed the Franciscan Order, called to the Curia, in the spring of 1317, the Spirituals present in Provence.
Clareno, with much detail, reported the interrogation to which Ubertino, Godfried of Cornone and himself were subjected. The Pope, at the moment when Angelo tried to show the calumnies levelled by the brothers at the time of Boniface VIII, did not allow him to speak and imposed silence on him. He then turned to the Pontiff with courage and frankness: ‘Holy Father, you have heard the lies of the brothers but you do not have the courage to listen to the truth that I tell you’. The pontiff had him put in prison. We have only the statement in the Chronicon, and in this matter, even if the tone of the Pontiff fits reasonably well with his personality, and to the choices each of them made, we do not have such truly sure and convincing data to be able to accept it with total certainty.
In prison, he wrote the Epistola Excusatoria, addressed to the Pontiff, and it remains a most important document for the reconstruction of some aspects of his life. Among the details that he relates there is a substantial concordance with what he says in the Chronicon, and is an indication of no small importance, that the two writings, while written by the same person, have between them a character much different from a chronology written some years afterwards. His request was granted and he was set free. In a letter written on 29 June 1317 and addressed to Gentile of Foligno on behalf of Francis of Norcia, the release of Brother Angelo was announced, as happening ‘on the vigil of Saint John the Baptist’ (23 June).
The Pontiff, nevertheless, gave him a choice, namely, to return to the Order or to enter another Order approved by the Church. Angelo took the habit of Celestine. It is difficult to say anything about the state of soul of the already old brother because for a person of the Middle Ages the habit was the proof of one’s status. To change his habit, after more than forty years of wearing the Franciscan habit, must have cost him dearly. He then came under the obedience of Bartholomew who shortly afterwards became the Abbot of Subiaco.
At Subiaco. Flight and death.
Meanwhile, events rushed ahead. On 17 March 1318, four Spirituals were condemned to the stake at Marseilles. Angelo remained in Avignon until the death of James Colonna in the first half of August 1318. Having lost his protector, he did nothing more in the Curia. He returned to Italy and settled in Subiaco where Bartholomew had been elected Abbot a few months before.
At Subiaco, he was present, at a distance, for the unfolding of turbulent events. Already with Sancta Romana of 30 December 1317, the Pope had condemned the Spirituals; on 7 March 1318, as has been said, four spirituals were condemned to the stake at Marseilles; still in 1318, the bones of Olivi were dug up and burnt, and the ashes scattered; the years 1322-24 were the years of the great dispute about the poverty of Christ and the apostles that culminated in the publication of Cum inter nonnullos, of 12 November 1323, and that caused the rebellion of Michael of Cesena, Minister General of the Order, and the consequent involvements with the imperial faction of Louis the Bavarian, the removal by the imperial forces of John XXII, and the election of an antipope in the person of the Franciscan Peter Ranallucci of Corbara, who took the name of Nicholas V. Meanwhile in 1326 the Pope had condemned the Lectura super Apocalipsim of Olivi.
In this troubled period, Clareno found himself somewhat apart in Subiaco. From Subiaco he continued to address letters to his friends and at Subiaco he wrote his major works: the Expositio Regulae (1321-23); the Chronicon (circa 1326) and the Apologia (1330).
With his presence, Subiaco became a centre for the spreading of a rigorous Franciscanism. He continued to encourage, support and counsel his companions. John XXII, for a second time, in 1331, had refused a petition put forward in 1329 by Philip of Majorca, asking the Pope to allow him and a group of which Clareno was appointed head, general of the ‘Fraticelli of the poor life’, to live apart, cut off from the Order. From 1331, the Inquisition, urged on by the more than eighty years old Pontiff, intensified its enquiries. In 1334, Angelo, also eighty years old, felt insecure; he left Subiaco and found himself once again on the road towards the Kingdom of Naples where he expected to have followers – from 1329 Philip of Majorca, who had renounced his benefices, moved to be near his sister Sancia – and where he ended his days in solitude. He died in Lucania, near the hermitage of S. Maria dell’Aspro on 15 June 1337.
After a patient reading of the texts, a work already done but that is still to be finished in part, something not possible where I am, one can reconstruct the spiritual journey of this man, who seems at times to swing from one position to its opposite and who was often accused of ambiguity by his enemies.
In fact, what he wanted was to remain faithful to the intention of Francis, to observe the Rule as the Saint had observed it and in the way he wanted his followers to observe it. To remain faithful to such a programme, he wanted to remain within the Roman Church, avoiding, as far as possible, any schism or division and conscious that such a choice of life would necessarily be accompanied with suffering that came to be for him a sign of divine election. Spurred on by this double demand, that certainly he tried to keep bound together in a synthesis of outlook that often can seem truly contradictory and that deep down hides the drama of a man destined to move between his closest aspirations and the demands and necessity of the Order, Clareno lived his own religious experience, often desirous of a solitude where, far from disturbances, he would have been more easily able to observe the Rule in its integrity and with more effectiveness flee from persecutions.
Often troubled by sickness, the result of an itinerant existence, and more often finding himself in strife, and on the losing side, he longed for solitude, also for the sake of a close relationship with Christ. His missionary desire that pushed him to Armenia and Greece, cannot be justified solely as a tactical move, consequent on flight, but certainly the missionary experience of Francis and his command expressed In the Rule (RnBu 16,1-3; ReBu 12,1-3) for a mission among the Saracens other non-believers had a role in this decision. From this multiplicity of attitudes and inspirations, fruit of a complex mind never given to simplification, the style in which he expresses himself, especially in the Epistolario, is proof of this:
There grows in Clareno the singular position of a tranquil rebel. This is a position that could be regarded as ambiguous, did it not come from a conscience in which trouble, persecution, and suffering are placed in a context and logic that has its inevitable justification in the providential plan of God. Therefore, unlike others, Clareno did not become a leader of rebels, but rather he tried to live in a Franciscan way, how and where he could, often playing on the equivocal, always realizing in life what was his ideal of Franciscanism. (Manselli, 1976)
2. The writings
All the great writings of the Spiritual from the Marche were written during his stay in Subiaco. We will speak at more length in a separate section about his Commentary on the Rule.
Chronicles
Or The History of the seven Tribulations of the Order of Lesser Brothers.
It is difficult to date precisely this best known work of Clareno. Stanislaus of Campagnola places it ‘between 1323/25’; L von Auw notes that it reports his arrest in 1325 and so the date of writing of this work cannot be put before that date; R. Manselli, together with E. Pasztor who prepared the critical edition not yet been published, dates it around 1326.
The work is presented as a rereading from a spiritual point of view of the first century of the story of the Order. From the first tribulation, arising from the unbelief and disobedience of brothers who did not believe it possible to realize the evangelical life and the Rule as Christ had wished through Francis, until the last, arising in the twenty ninth year because of the election of Celestine V, the story follows the salient phases in the life of the Franciscan family: the generalate of Brother Elias (1232-39, the second tribulation); that of Cresentius of Iesi, supporter of science and of honour to the detriment of humility and evangelical poverty (1244-57, third tribulation) – this tendency was opposed in the generalate of John of Parma; the generalate of St Bonaventure to whom Clareno complained of the rough treatment reserved for John of Parma (1257-74, fourth tribulation); the persecution of Olivi, already in the generalate of Jerome of Ascoli (1274-79) and the rebellion of the brothers of the Marche at the news of some decisions made at the Second Council of Lyons, the pontificate of Celestine V, the death of Olivi, the persecution of the brothers of Provence and of the Marche until the death of Brother Liberatus (fifth tribulation). From the beginning of the pontificate of Celestine V, the sixth tribulation lasted for twenty eight years (and so for some time coexists with the fifth); to the twenty ninth year from the election of Celestine V, the seventh tribulation begins in which the final struggle will occur but Clareno does not speak of this. Therefore, the tribulations are to end because Satan will be conquered. The Chronicles finish, in fact, with a cry of hope:
They will shun the darkness of the last night, and in the midday of charity they will build tents. Satan will not prevail against them, but will be crushed under their feet and the Lord will be heir God, and Christ Jesus and his Spirit their teacher, to whom be honour and glory for ever and ever. Amen. Thanks be to God.
The work enjoyed a wide distribution as is evident from the fact that more manuscripts written in a vernacular language has come down to us than copies of the original Latin. Many historians are rather negative about the witness of Clareno, judging it to be suspect and partisan. We have said already on another occasion that:
We are inclined to hold that Clareno does use his sources in a ‘creative’ way (that is, inventing news and facts), but selectively (putting more emphasis on what corresponds in a more suitable way to his purpose). This is something that, to a greater or lesser degree, happens in every history. (F. Accrocca, 1988)
Perhaps, we can also add that many facts are voluntarily omitted, nevertheless every item has to be evaluated critically, as far as possible, avoiding at the same time enthusiastic non critical affirmations and unworthy criticisms based on prejudice.
The ‘Apology for his Life’.
Preserved in only one codex – ms 2094 of the Library of the Univesity of Padua, connected with Bernardine of Feltre – discovered by Fr Doucet who made it known in 1935, and who edited the work in 1946 (but the publication did not appear until 1948). Until now the work of Doucet remains the best edition of the works of Clareno and it has a good and balanced introduction. More than twenty years after Doucet’s publication, V. Meneghin discovered, in a manuscript of the same Library (ms. 596), and published twenty four letters of Alvarus Delagius, two of which, Letters 10 and 11, contained accusations against Angelo Clareno. It was in reply to these accusations that Clareno wrote the Epistola responsiva … conra fr. Alvarum Pelagium de regula Fratrum Minorum observanda, addressing it to Alvarus, Gentile of Foligno, an Augustinian and correspondent with Angelo, and Brother Oddone, also a correspondent with Angelo, to whom Alvarus had addressed the two letters in which the accusations against the Spiritual from the Marche were contained. It is preserved also in ms. Magliabecchiano XXXIX, 75, in the Bibliotheca Nazionale of Florence, that contains the Epistolario of Clareno, the letter addressed to Gentile of Foligno, to which Clareno joined the text of his Apology, written already two years earlier, but that he had kept with him:
Because I expected o be able to satisfy him, exchange letters with him and give them to him to be corrected or destroyed in case the style of the reply seemed burdensome and insupportable to him, especially should it fall into other hands. (Claeno)
Among the sources used by Clareno, studied effectively by Doucet, Basil and Gregory Nazianzus among the Greek Fathers stand out, then the writings of Saint Francis, the Leonine writings, the pontifical declarations, the commentaries on the Rule, and some writings of Bonaventure concerning the Order. He also made much use of, without quoting him, long texts of Ubertino from his Sanctias vestra, redacted during the Council of Vienna, and of Peter John Olivi from his questions De perfecione evangelica.
The text has two large sections. In the first, Angelo defends himself against the accusations of Alvarus, explaining and presenting the genuine and serious reasons for his choices and rejecting as untrue many things said about him; the text brings to light some episodes and moments in the life of Angelo and of some of his relations with friends. The second part contains reflections of Angelo on poverty and obedience; he said to Gentile of Foligno that these are the sections that could be sent to Alvarus, after the same Gentile had revised and corrected them.
A comparison between the texts of Clareno and the Letters of Alvarus, found by Menehin but then unknown to Doucet, a work much desired by Menehin, was done by Potestà.
The Epistolario.
Ms. Magliabecchiano XXXIX, 75, of the fifteenth century, contains the record in Latin of a body of Letters of Clareno. We owe some Augustinian hermits, spiritually close to Clareno, the merit that such letters reached us. Simon Fidati of Cascia, in fact, wanting to preserve the memory of a man venerated by him as a maser, entrusted to his fellow brother, John of Salerno, the task of gathering in a volume all the letters of Clareno that he could succeed in finding.
Discovered by Papebroch in the library of Strozzi (for its continuance in Italy – 160/62 – it entered into negotiations with Carlo Strozzi), it was then studied by Flaminius Annibale of Latera and, finally about a century later, was evaluated by Ehrle.
In recent years there have been two editions of the Epistolario, one by L. von Auw, the fruit of a half century of research, and one by R.G. Musto, prepared as a thesis for a doctorate and presented in Columbiar University. The edition of Musto has had a limited circulation in that it has not been published; the edition of L. von Auw, on the other hand, appeared in one of the oldest and most prestigious Collections. G.L. Potestà nevertheless, has examined both texts and has shown that ‘the edition of Musto has been done in a manner more attentive to philology and seems to offer, based on the limited number of passages examine, a more reliable text’.
L. von Auw, in effect, pays the least attention to the differences in the manuscript, even when it would be necessary to do so and while, on the other hand, he rarely corrects the text, when he does so it is in an arbitrary manner. As a result, different problems arise, for example, the double numbering of the Letters, an effective numbering of them, and some problems of dating. On such points, Musto and von Auw often present different opinions. In some of our studies, we have shown some defects in the edition of von Auw, particularly in what concerns the biblical references and the Franciscan sources.
Besides the Latin text, there is a group of thirty five Letters in Italian, contained in ms. 1942 of the Bibliotheca Oliveriana of Pesaro, of which G. Abate was the first to point out the importance; for the most part they are a translation of the Latin Letters in ms. Magliabecchino. Of these letters numbers 14, 23 and 24 have been recently published by L. von Auw.
The Letters cove a broad sweep of the life of Clareno, from 1312 to almost the last years of his life and represent a source of primary importance for the reconstruction of his literary and spiritual journey. For their final evaluation:
It will be necessary to succeed in placing them in chronological order, as far as possible. This task is certainly not entirely possible. Some letters resist any attempt to place them in a time scale, either because they lack any elements for determing the date or because they contain expressions and convictions expressed by Clareno over a rather long span of time. Nevertheless, this task has to be pursued tenaciously, because the possibility of throwing new light on the literary and doctrinal journey of Clareno depends, in terms directly proportionate, on the degree to which the letters can be related to one another. … The Letters can help in the rethinking of the position of Clareno before the Church and the Order in a strictly historically critical way, in so far as the Letters will allow one to retrace times of permanence or discontinuity in his journey, beginning with how he sees it and interprets it in the course of time (and this clearly does not imply that in an historical study one must adopt his perception of events nor his doctrinal logic). (Potestà)
Before these demands of the texts, Potestà has already given a first and valid response in his monograph on Clareno that concentrates precisely on the reconstruction of the literary, doctrinal and spiritual journey of the Brother from the Marche, such as this emerges from an analysis of the Epistolario.
Other works.
The Breviloquium super doctrina salutis ad parvulos Christi is known from the Ms. Venezia, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, III, 107, fol. 82r-88r. Some passages were published by F. Tocco, and then the whole work was published by N. Mattioli and published again by Ciro of Pesaro.
It is a small treatise composed for people ‘of both sexes’ who:
Are not married or bound by the cares of a family, nor who are members of monasteries under the special rules of the holy fathers, but who have a strong desire to serve our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ perfectly in the state to which they have been called by him.
These same people had asked Clareno to give to them and their state some special documents for salvation’.
The text is made up of five parts, namely, the content of the Catholic faith; prayer; the best way to acquire holy virtues; conformity to Christ ‘in exterior actions’; an exposition of the Pauline doctrine on the certainty that a person is not saved by works, but by faith and by a pure gift of God. It has proved impossible to determine the date of the work.
The Preparantia Christ Iesu habitationem is contained both in Ms. Magliabecchiano XXXIX, 75, fol. 28r-29v, inserted at the end of Letter 9 – and was edited in this form by von Auw – and in a codex of the Marciana as a treatise on its own, and it was edited in his way by Mattioli and then again by Ciro of Pesaro. Recently, Musto prepared a critical edition and published it as a treatise standing on its own. Musto did not know of Codex Ms. 1/144 of the Convent of St Isidore of the Irish in Rome, of which L. von Auw provided information.
Clarno lists a series of actions that prepare the coming of Christ in a soul and help to make it permanent, in the first place ‘according to the actions of the exterior person’ and then ‘according to the actions of the inner person’. Musto identifies three central inspirations for this writing of Clareno, namely, the Rule of St Benedict, the ascetical texts of St Basil, in particular The Discourse on the monastic habit, and the writings of St Francis. With regard to the reference to Basil, G.L Potestà asks that this indication be proven.
L. von Auw regards this text as an integral part of Letter 9; Musto regards it as an independent treatise. We tend toward the thesis of Musto, taking into consideration the manuscript tradition and the fact that the text, put after Letter 9 in the Magliabecchiano, does not seem to be in harmony with the rest of the letter.
The translations from Greek.
After the data offered in the first half of the century by L. Oliger (1912) and V. Doucet (1946) in the course of the editions prepared by them of the Commentary and the Apology, to which one has to join a brief contribution of H. Dausend, published in 1915, results of undeniable value have come from the labours of J. Gribomont and R.G. Musto. A further contribution has been given by G.L. Potestà with the complete description of Ms. Subiaco, S. Scolastica, 227 (= S), and also the synthesis of the results reached up till now in the inventory of the translations done by Clareno.
Also, if the translation of the Scala Paradisi of John Climacus was widely known, and from which then came the popularisation made by Gentile of Foligno, Clareno drew particular inspiration from the works of Basil. This is a conclusion drawn from the studies of Potestà and Gribomont who already in 1953 arrived at results ‘definitive in identifying the Greek model used by Clareno for his Latin translation’. S, which contains a group of translations from the works of Basil, is commonly thought, based on Gribomont, to be a text hand written by Clareno himself.
Besides Basil and John Climacus, Clareno translated Pseudo Macarius:
S has simply in summary form the titles of 150 Kephalaia in which is divided up the material of the so called Opuscoli ascetici II-VII. We know, on the other hand, that Clareno translated them completely (to his work as a translator of Macarius he makes explicit mention of 13 lines in the Preface with which S begins, f. 1r). Evidently, he had the use of at least one other codex, since lost, containing among other material the full text of Macarius. (Potestà)
Moreover, further light comes from Ms. Urb. Lat. 521, that groups in the first part:
Other translations that are certainly from Clareno: Ps. Anfilochio, Compendium on the life of S. Basil; John Chrysostom, Praises of the Apostle Paul and Letter 125 to Ciriacus; Climacus, the Ladder of Paradise (with the Sermon to a shepherd and The Praise of Climacus by John of Raithu); Ps. Macarius, Liber (firstly, the complete text of the 150 Kephalaia = Opuscola ascetica II-VII ‘titles’) and Epistula magna; Athanasius, Letter to Marcellinus or Preface to the Book of Psalms.
In fact, we do not yet know the full number of Clareno’s ranslations, either because he certainly translated Gregory Nazianzus, the scholia of an anonymous Greek author on the Ladder of Paradise, and at least in some small part, Dionysius, or because his works display a wider knowledge of writings and authors that he perhaps did not translate but that he certainly read, annotated and wisely used: the Apoftegmi, Epiphanius, Theodorus, Diadocus, Ephraem, Barlaam et Joasaph …’ (Potestà)
3. The Debate on the Rule of the Franciscan Order
In his Testament, written some months before his death, Francis had expressly warned his brothers, commanding them under obedience not to ask for any letter from the Roman Church for churches, other places, for reasons of preaching nor for the persecution of their bodies.
In the same Testament, with extreme clarity, Francis commanded all the brothers, cleric and lay, not to add explanations to the Rule and Testament, but simply and without any comment, they were to understand the words and observe them to the end in holiness. As is well known:
Very soon after the death of the Saint, this very prohibition against asking for privileges was the first that, under various pretexts, was broken, probably because they did not understand its deep significance. There began then a story of requests and concessions that had many reasons, not all, in truth, an offence to the norm of Francis, in so far as concessions were necessary for the systemisation and insertion of the Order in the life of the Church. (Pasztor 1986)
The first papal declaration to interpret the Rule was the Bull Quo elongati of Gregory IX, in 1230. The Pope declared that the Lesser Brothers were obliged to the observance only of the evangelical ‘precepts’ and not also to the observance of the ‘counsels’. The Testament of Francis had no validity as a norm affecting the life of the brothers; the brothers were able to use money in some cases and through other people.
It is necessary to remember, following the pattern seen in the story of the first century of Franciscanism by Gratien of Paris (1982), that the Order, after an initial phase in which it completed its process of development, and which, according to the author, lasted from the death of Francis (1226) to 1244, the beginning of the generalate of Crescenius of Iesi, it had to experience a phase of systemisation and organisation that brought many changes in the life of the brothers – marked also by a distancing from the style of the original life – and which lasted until 1257 with the beginning of the generalate of St Bonaventure.
Asking himself the question how this evolution was accepted in the Order, Gratien of Paris notes the emergence of two tendencies, the ‘enthusiasts’ and the ‘dissidents’, in conflict with one another. The fundamental problem the brothers had to face was essentially one, namely, how to continue the progressive development of the Order without distancing itself from the original spirit of the institution? Around this problem the replies will differ from and confront one another, and this for some will be progress, for others regression.
On 14 November 1245, Innocent IV issued the bull Ordinem vestrum, with which, besides confirming that they were obliged to observe only the precepts, the Pope specified how a cultural preparation was an indispensable element for anyone who wanted to enter the Order. Innocent IV, besides, confirmed the possibility for the brothers to receive money, always through the mediation of interposed persons, made modifications to almost all the chapters of the Rule, while, in the matter of the right to ownership, he confirmed the prohibition ‘with the distinction that the ownership of goods belongs to the Roman Church, without bringing any modification to its use’.
The need to accept candidates on the basis of their cultural preparation, was a fact that in itself favoured the transformation of the first brotherhood into a learned Order and, consequently, clericalised. From a predominantly lay brotherhood, then, its members, according to the word of Francis were ‘simple and subject to all’, it grew within a few decades from the death of Francis, to a late Order, always more open to culture and clericalisation. A clericalisation that was to become complete during the generalate of St Bonaventure (1257-1274).
A significant transformation, then, occurred after only fifty ears from the death of Francis; a transformation that changed in a radical way the face of the original group that presented itself before Innocent III. This was a transformation that cannot be quickly and simplistically settled as a betrayal of Francis. In fact:
While here was undoubtedly a transformation, it (the progressive change in Fanciscanism in the thirteenth century) shows, with much openness how, in varied ways but tenaciously the evangelical tension that the Saint of Assisi had inserted into the life of the Church remained alive. (Pasztor)
In 1279, Nicholas II, the Orsini Pope, already Protector of the Order and uncle of that Matthew Rosso Orsini and who, as Protector of the Order, took over the succession and held it for a long time; he interpreted the Rule with the Bull Exiit qui seminat. This was an intervention that the Pope was moved to make and justified from frequent meetings between himself and the companions of Francis, who knew well the true intention of Francis concerning the Rule.
It is very important that it was the Pope who went back to the witness of the companions, because before long the competence of these last to establish the intention of the Saint will be contrasted rigidly with the inteprpretion given by the Popes. The Bull Exiit shows, nevertheless, that it is treating with problems already in the air in 1279. (Pasztor)
At the end of the great libellous polemic set alight by the council of Vienna, Clement V published the Bull Exivi de Paradiso (1312), which, Clareno says, ‘among other things is most like an eagle flying to the intention of the Founder’. It is certain that the Spirituals saw in this Bull of Clement V, that incorporated many of the requests put forward by Ubertino against the abuses arising in the Order, an affirmation and recognition of the points held by them. Nevertheless, Gratien of Paris, already more that sixty years ago, noted that Exivi, by not taking up their full opinion on the poor use and on the observance of the evangelical counsels, ‘is not a complete triumph for anyone’. (Gratien 1982)
In reaction to the changes introduced into the life of the Order by the papal interventions on the Rule, the Spirituals referred to the ‘first and final intention’ of Francis and to his intimate and privileged inner experience. They insisted: it was from Christ that Francis had learnt that he had to live ‘according to the form of the holy Gospel’; it was Christ who had given him the Rule; one could not then go beyond the intention of Francis without, precisely for this reason, putting oneself against Christ and the Gospel. This was a firm point for the Italian Spirituals, namely, to expound and comment on the Rule meant for them to bring to light the intention of Francis:
It is to underline that the polemic on the Rule, on the point that the observance of the Gospel is obligatory for Franciscans does not arise from a comparison with other Rules but in the context of the Christian experience of Francis. It is not an accident, even if in the history of the spirituals it has not always been adequately taken into account, that in their situation the problems about the Rule were seen with such sensitivity as to give rise to three commentaries. In fact, to the commentary of Hugh of Digne, of Peter John Olivi and of Angelo Clareno, there can be added from some points of view another text, namely, that of Ubertino of Casale in his Articuli accepti de Regula, compiled in the course of the libellous polemic stirred up by the Council of Vienna, that outlines an exposition of the Rule ‘in a nut shell’. (Pasztor).
The beginning of the pontificate of John XXII signalled the start of the oveturning of the positions fixed in Exiit and in Exivi of Nicholas III and Clement V. As A. Tabarroni, has well shown, the Pope, from the beginning of his first pronouncements with Quia nonnuquam, intended to overturn some fundamental positions sanctioned by Exiit.
The situation reached its final point of maturity and collapse in 1323 with the Bull Cum inter nonnullos, I which John XXII declared that the basis and foundation of Franciscan spirituality, namely, the thesis of the poverty of Christ and the apostles was heretical.
It is precisely in this period, between 1318, the year in which the bones of Olivi were dug up and burned, a fact known to us from Clareno, and the publication of Cum inter nonnullos (1323), of which there is no mention in the Commentary, in a climate of fear and apprehension generated by the first pronouncements of John XXII that the Commentary on the Rule of the Lesser Brothers began.
4. The Commentary on the Rule of the Lesser Brothers
Written between the years 1321-22, the text contains twelve chapters, of unequal length, commenting on the twelve chapters of the Later Rule, preceded by a Preface, and ending with an Epilogue. It is addressed to an otherwise unknown Brother Thomas
For his edition, Fr Oliger used five manuscripts, four are in Rome and one in Monaco. It does not seem that the text enjoyed a wide circulation in circles with little education, especially in view of the fact that we do not have a vernacular version of it. Fr Melchor of Pobladura, gave notice of an Italian translation, and he was followed by L. von Auw, but, on an examination of the manuscript such information has been found to be without foundation. Only some sections of the writing, and these seem to be compilations, are a translation of the text of Clareno. However, Melchor has proven its acceptance by a section of the first Capuchin writers.
The text show Clareno’s vast knowledge of patristic and Franciscan sources; it reveals also a good knowledge of the texts of papal origin.
Patristic sources.
It is known how Clareno, during his exile in Greece, had attained a knowledge of Greek ‘perhaps without equal in the medieval West’. (Potestà) After the pages dedicated by Fr Oliger in his Introduction, contributions of great value are added from J. Gribomont, R.G.Musto, and G.L Potestà.
Above all, an essay by Gribomont in 1981 reveals how important his knowledge of Greek is in identifying the patristic sources present in the Commentary on the Rule. Beginning with the data already provided by Fr Oliger, he re-examines the text analytically, chapter by chapter, reaching conclusions that can be taken as definitive. We can do no more than go back to this work done with precision and accuracy.
From the study of Gribomont, it is clear that Clareno was inspired in a particular way by Basil, in whom he finds a great affinity with the evangelical experience of Francis. And effectively, following Gribomont, we also, as Potestà before us, see in the same reason the motive for his wide use of the Greek Fathers. This is confirmed also by what Gribomont affirms from the study he did on the patristic sources present in the Commentary and the Apology. In this last writing:
Destined for a theologian of the pontifical court, the Latin Fathers are mentioned more often than in the Commentary, and often from Franciscan theologians, or from the Decree of Gratien (himself used by a second hand? The work of a second hand is characteristic of an argument from tradition in the Scholastics. (Gribomont)
Franciscan sources.
Clareno knows well the writings of Francis. He quotes the Later Rule, the Earlier Rule, the Testament, the Admonitions and the Salutation of Virtues. He knows the works of Thomas of Celano and St Bonaventure, whom he often quotes; sometimes he indicates the source, other times he quotes literally without indicating the source, at other times he recalls, but not in a literal way, events contained in these sources. He knew also the material sent by the companions to Crescentius of Iesi and that then, following a path that is far from being retraced and a story still not well known, he came to the text of the Assisi Compilation, The Mirror of Pefection, the Little Manuscript, the Mirror of Perfection, Smaller Version. Finally he knew the works of Brother Leo from whom he quotes many passages. On one occasion we find a literal quotation from John of Celano.
We never find a mention or quote in our text, and this seems to be a very important element, of The Legend of the Three Companions, nor The Anonymous of Perugia. Regarding other sources, he knew Hugo of Digne (Declaratio in Regulam and De finibus paupertatis) and the commentaries on the Rule by the Four Masters and of Olivi, also, as has been proven, the only commentary he had constantly before him was that of Olivi.
Since we were able to show elsewhere, Clareno, when quoting texts attributed to Brother Leo, does not use other compilations already prepared and in forms that have reached us, as for example, The Assisi Compilation, Ms. Isidoriano 1/73, the Legenda Vetus and the Verba Conradi. He uses his own sources, giving at times a structure different from texts that originally would have been preserved in single passages or pages.
Besides, according to what has already been discovered, the Commentary preserves texts on the Saint and the first brothers that are unknown to the primitive Franciscan sources. It is difficult to decide precisely on the sources he used. Certainly, he had use of written sources (often he introduces texts by saying: ‘he writes’) and some other texts, in all probability, can came from such written sources, while others can very well find their origin in an oral source.
In the structure of the Commentary, the Earlier Rule plays an important role and is quoted at length by Clareno. As we have already written:
He compares the texts of the two Rules, to affirm that the Later Rule should always bear in mind that the Earlier Rule, for Clareno always closer perhaps to the true personality of Francis, who in writing it expressed himself at greater length, and, precisely for this reason, also with more spontaneity and freedom. The Earlier Rule, besides, to the eye of Clareno, corresponds to the forma vitae approved by Innocent III and hence relates directly to the life of the primitive brotherhood.
And, what is more, the particular place assigned by Clareno to the Earlier Rule results also from a comparison, done in his time, with the commentaries on the Rule by Hugo of Digne and Olivi. Olivi, to whom Clareno makes constant reference never quotes the Earlier Rule.
The Rule as the Gospel
And the life of the brothers an imitation of that of Christ
The Rule was divinely inspired to Francis by the same Christ. Right from the first lines of the Commentary, Clareno expresses this conviction that re-emerges in many passages throughout the whole text; just in the Preface alone the affirmation of the divine origin of the Rule is found a good three times. The conclusion to be drawn immediately from this claim is that neither glosses nor changes can be made to the text of the Rule. As we have shown, we find ourselves before a polemic that, while expressed in a pleasing form, is none the less incisive. It is evident that Clareno dissents from the papal interventions that in the course of the thirteenth century had come to modify, often in significant terms, the content of the Rule.
This Rule, in fact, ‘is fully and completely in accord with the customs and examples of the life of Christ, his Mother, the apostles and all the perfect saints’.
The Rule and the Gospel, in fact, come to be identified: ‘… Saint Francis, commanded in a revelation to observe the Gospel of Christ, designates the Gospel as his life and rule; he said that everything he put in the Rule, he has accepted from Christ, as leading to a Catholic and lawful understanding of evangelical perfection and life, and as suitable for a sincere and pure imitation of his holiness, way of life and full following of him.’
Now, if the Rule comes to be identified with the Gospel, it cannot be reduced to a juridical text, but, as Potestà also has shown, it presupposes a most strict link with life. Explaining the word life, present in the first chapter of the Rule, Clareno says that its meaning is, according to what is written in the Rule itself ‘and in the stories of all the saints’
The life of the brothers, then, is nothing other than a following of Christ, an imitation of Christ.
On this point, Clareno argues, pleasantly but not really in a hidden way, with what the papal declarations on the Rule have stated, that is, the obligation to observe only the precepts and not also the evangelical counsels. In the Rule that Francis presented to Innocent III, Clareno says, the counsels and the evangelical prohibitions were contained,
Francis ‘an imitator of the life of Christ’ (1,274) ‘informed beforehand of future troubles’ (2,22).
From the first pages, Clareno presents Francis as elect and called by God to renew and represent the rule and evangelical perfection of the life of Christ;
And it is against this image of Francis, persecuted also by his companions, who in the last years of his life wished to impose on the religious family a style of life different from the choice of the Saint. Clareno rereads the experience of himself and his companions, persecuted by the rest of the Order, seeing himself and his companions as the true sons of the promise, sons of the spirit and not of the flesh, because through the Spirit of Christ they receive the gift and the grace of the same perfection that he received gratuitously from Christ.
Nevertheless, Francis is also presented by Clareno as one who, filled with the spirit of prophecy, had foreseen the inevitable sufferings and divisions to which the Order would be subjected.
Also of interest on this point is the vision of the statue of Nebuchadnezzar, the nucleus of which was already in circulation before 1246, as is shown by its inclusion in 2C 82. The use of such an image in the Franciscan story enjoyed a wide diffusion in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, so mush so that Clareno alone reports it twice, in the Commentary
This expresses a condemnation of the process of evolution in the Order that followed a different course from that desired by Francis, and an idealised combining of the experience of Francis and the first companions with that followed by Clareno and his friends.
‘They separated his holy Testament from the Rule’.
In the Epilogue of his Commentary, Angelo Clareno makes a significant statement, namely, that by separating the Rule from the Testament, they do not understand the Testament because without it the Rule is stripped of all value, like a crown of stars without the head of the woman and without being clothed with the sun, like the loaves of proposition away from the holy table, like a good work without a right intention ….
On the other hand, the particular attention that Clareno gives to Francis’ Testament originates in an interpolation that he makes by quoting texts found in the Legenda Vetus2-3. In the first text there is a reference to the attempt made by Honorius III to have Francis take from the Rule a passage contained in chapter ten, where he says that the brothers who feel they cannot observe the Rule purely and simply to the letter, can and should have recourse to their ministers, and if these do not come to meet them, the brothers have the freedom to observe the Rule literally, because all the brothers, both ministers and subjects, should be subject to the Rule.
‘To carry the cross with Christ and the Apostles’.
The perspective that Clareno puts before his friends must necessarily move to the cross. The fact is certainly significant that he rereads the story of the Order as a History of Tribulations. This title, that will assume a quite special significance in the Chronicle, appears often in the Commentary.
uses a valuable addition to an idea already widespread in monastic circles, coming originally from St Jerome, concerning the necessity to follow naked the naked Christ. Clareno inserts into this the element of suffering’. (Pasztor)
‘Naked as they follow Christ they bear the naked cross of Christ.’
The suffering, in its final form, began with the persecutions undergone within and outside the Order, whether it be, in a more general way from the adversity of the world, the expected dimension of a disciple, the way of divine election by which God calls him to share and be conformed to the experience of Christ crucified. The objective is to conform oneself to Christ, the head and leader of the afflicted: ‘united and conformed to Christ the head and the first of the afflicted’.
A Joachite text?
We refer here to what we have already written at greater length on this point. As we have noted, there is no agreement among historians about the problem of the supposed Joachite thinking of Clareno.
Nevertheless, in the wide array of ‘authorities’, Joachim is quoted only once, and that in a context that, in every way, does not indicate an enthusiastic acceptance of his prophecies.
In those texts, already quoted, where Clareno identifies Francis with the Angel of the sixth seal, he does not say that it will begin the age of the Spirit, nor carry a new Eternal Gospel, but that he will be an imitator and renewer of the life and perfection of Christ. Nor, as we have already written, do we find any refereence to Joachim and to the Joachite terminology in the division of the three states of life – religious, ecclesiastical, married – to which Clareno refers. Such a division does not necessarily demand a reference to Joachim himself.
In the Commentary, then, there is no reference to the three ages of history, nor to the age of the Spirit. When he speaks of the Spirit, Clareno always follows data that came to him from traditional theology. So, in the definition he gives, namely, ‘the binding love of the Father and the Son’ we should refer to the great authors of the Latin tradition, and in a particular way to Richard of St Victor.
The few Trinitarian formulas present in the Commentary are in a context of a doxology or refer to an indwelling of the Trinity in a Christian as a principle working in charity, but never lead us to identify a period of history bound to the Trinitrian dimension by a certain preference given to the person, or to the age, of the Spirit, a basic element in Joachite thinking.
Quite often, the expression ‘Spirit of Christ’ is found and while it does not always expressly refer to the Person of the Holy Spirit, nevertheless, makes us understand the centrality given to the role of the Person of the Son of God in the spiritual life of true disciples. Francis is full of the Spirit of Christ.
The Commentary leads us back to a christocentric vision of history, in which there does not seem to be place for an inspiration of Joachite origin.
Before the Church.
What image of the Church emerges from the statements that occur, here and there, in the Commentary?
The Church is the mystical body of Christ, that includes within it also the dead, for whom we must incessantly pray for them so that they might reach salvation as soon as possible.
Often he makes statements that recall the obedience due to the Church. For example, he recalls the veneration that Francis had for the Roman Church, its prelates and for all priests
However, this authority and obedience have a limit; one cannot command what is evil and the other cannot do evil. Since both subjects and prelates have to obey Christ,
At the beginning of the Commentary on chapter ten of the Later Rule, after quoting from the fourth, fifth and sixth chapters of the Earlier Rule, he recalls how from these words of Francis – note well, taken from the Earlier Rule
If the limits of obedience come to be defined in such a way, limits are then placed on authority, because every authority and power of the Church and of all prelates should be subject to proper laws and statutes, and cannot extend itself ‘to what is beyond or against Christ’. To believe that one should obey in what is contrary to the will of Christ is not wisdom but ‘the greatest stupidity and blindness of mind’.
‘Holy father Peter John’ (6,498).
The Commentary on the Rule constitutes, finally, a sign of his admiration for Olivi and the proof to what an extent his teaching had penetrated Clareno. In this matter, new contributions have been brought forward by G.L Potestà who has been able to prove that, among the preceding commentaries on the Rule, only Clareno ‘seems to have before him constantly that of Olivi, inasmuch as the texts quoted from the so called Four Masters are all taken from Olivi, with the exception of one short and not literal reference’. (Potestà)
The dependence of Clareno on the thinking of Olivi is broader that appears at first sight and than the same editor thought. Clareno names Olivi explicitly three times in presenting long and important quotations taken from his writing. In many other cases, only some of which are noted by Oliger, you can detect in the Commentary the influence of the Master from Provence, from whom come quotations or to whom expressions or simply single words hark back. (Potestà)
With an interpretation rich in meaning, Clareno, quoting Jn 1:11, affirms that Olivi was not accepted by his own.
He comes to be defined as a man of holiness, outstanding in great virtue, of enlightened knowledge; inspired by Christ, he ‘wrote many treatises’ and taught many things through his writings ‘in a pious and Catholic way that stand out as a divine light against every blindness of ignorance and the various opinions of many’.
Olivi is presented with the attributes of a saint, namely, fullness of virtue, great humility, a typically Franciscan feature, but above all the sign of miracles is intended to make clear this same holiness. In fact, Olivi truly acquired fame as a saint especially among the Beghards of Provence.
But for the very reason of the holiness of Olivi, everyone who fears God knows the work of the devastating enemy. The brothers, in fact, paid him back evil for good and hatred instead of love; and not only him but also to all those who truly love him. They dug up and burnt his bones, persecuted his friends and, against the decisions of the Church and of the General Council of Vienna, which examined some of his teachings and accurately avoided naming him, they continually condemned him in General Chapters, moved by ‘envy and satanic evil’.
The accusation is precise and hard and leaves no possibility of equivocation; by persecuting Olivi, a large section of the Order, moved by envy became an instrument of the devil.
The Commentary confirms data already arrived at in the course of other research. Olivi remains for him a constant point of reference, especially Olivi in his Commentary and in his Questions on evangelical perfection. At the present stage of research, it does not seem that Clareno used in any of his works the Lecture on the Apocalypse, used on the other hand abundantly by Ubertino of Casale in his writing of the fifth book of the Tree of Life.
Moe than Ubertino, Clareno seems to concentrate on some basic teachings of the Master of Provence, whether it be the tragedy of the events that he subjected to continual rethinking and reworking and which became his choices in life: the acceptance of suffering as a sign of divine election, full observance of the Rule, perseverance, even with suffering, within the Church.
Conclusions.
To the companions who were insistent in asking him for clarifications on the true intention of Francis, Clareno replies with an invitation to turn to Francis himself and to the experience of the first brotherhood: only in this dimension can one see in an authentic way what in reality Francis wanted for himself and for his followers.
He wanted to live according to the form of the Gospel, and in observing the Gospel lies the essence of his Rule: a Rule of life, rather than a juridical text, that must have a strong link with life, in so far as it is observed integrally and spiritually according to the same intention that Francis had in writing it. For all that it is intangible, for the same reasons that make the Gospel intangible.
And in the heart of the Christian and cruciform experience of Francis, the faithful following of those who are his sons according to the Spirit finds its explanation, namely, the suffering that they will inevitably have to endure in keeping themselves faithful to the Rule and to the Testament. The Saint had prophesied this suffering that revives the authentic spirit and most genuine inheritance of Francis.
On this principle, the exceptional figure of Peter John Olivi stands out for he, like Christ and Francis, was rejected by his own.
Clareno invites his followers to turn to the source in a search for the most authentic roots of the Franciscan option, and in their restatement of this, difficult but necessary, stands the secret to overcome the difficulties of the present moment and, interiorly strengthened, to wait for – if possible far from the troubles – the final results of the apocalyptical beast and the glorious future of the Lord.
He is sustained by a certainty, he same that, some years later, he will write to Philip of Majorca: ‘The property and inheritance of the true and perfect disciples of Christ is not in the prison of this world’.
Felice Accrocca
COMMENTARY
ON THE RULE
OF THE
LESSER BROTHERS
by
ANGELO CLARENO
Translation made from: EXPOSITIO SUPER REGULAM FRATRUM MNORUM di Fratre Angelo Clareno, Pubblicazioni della Biblotheca Francescana, Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1994. The footnotes in the following translation have been taken from the Italian translation.
Campion Murray OFM
COMMENTARY OF BLESSED ANGELO OF CLARENO
ON THE RULE
[Preface]
1Brother Thomas, most dear brother in the Lord, you have often asked me, and many times reminded me quite insistently through others, that under no circumstances should I neglect to write down for you what was the pure, simple and final intention of Francis, the seraphic man, in the Rule divinely inspired in him by Christ.
6Lest, contrary to the obedience of fraternal love, I seem to ignore the entreaty of your request or seem in an arrogant way to write some kind of novelty, I have decided to write down for you the contents of the whole Rule as they appear in the deeds, words, advice, exhortations and commands of our most holy father Francis. I will include nothing other than what the Saint himself, with much reliance on prayers, was sure he had received in mercy from Christ for the help of the present and future brothers until the end of the world.
7I add some things from the Rules and instructions and equally from the life and doctrine of the saints who lived an apostolic life. From these things it will be clear to those who love the Rule and to those who think differently that he accepted the Rule and its meaning immediately from Christ.
8Honorius, Bishop, Servant of the servants of God, etc.
9Saint Francis was chosen, called, most adequately taught and illuminated by the Father of mercies for the imitation and renewal of the evangelical perfection and rule of the life of Christ so as to show and preach it to the world by words and example. At the command of Christ who appeared to him personally, he went with his twelve companions to the Vicar of Christ, Lord Innocent III of happy memory.
10As far as I remember the following are the names of the twelve companions of Saint Francis:
Brother Bernard Quintavalle, the first lesser brother after blessed Francis;
Brother Peter was the second;
Brother Giles, the third;
Brother Morico the Short, the fourth;
Brother Sabbatino, the fifth;
Brother Barbaro, the sixth;
Brother John of San Costanzo, the seventh;
Brother Angelo Tancredi, the eighth;
Brother Phillip the Tall, the ninth;
Brother Illuminato, the tenth;
Brother Morico of Bernard Iudante, the eleventh ;
Brother John of Capella, the twelfth, who secretly took away the balm prepared for the burial of the body of blessed Francis and who then went and hanged himself with a halter.
11With these twelve first brothers, twelve imitating Christ, he presented to the same holy Pontiff the Rule he had written in a simple form as the Saviour himself had taught him. The Rule contained the highest perfections of Christ’s counsels of obedience, poverty, chastity, humility, patience and charity, as well as the evangelical prohibitions according to the form of life given by the Lord to the apostles and the disciples who were sent out to preach. 12The most wise Pontiff, advised by God beforehand in a vision, granted most generously what Francis and his companions had requested and ‘promised to give more in the future. 13He approved the Rule, gave them permission to preach penance and had them wear small tonsures so that they could preach the word of God freely’.
14Later, during a General Council celebrated by him in Rome in 1215, he announced to all the prelates that he had given permission for the life and evangelical rule to Saint Francis and to all who followed him willingly.
15 The Lord Pope Honorius, immediate successor to the aforementioned Pope, in his Bull of approval of the Rule, substantially the same as the first, referred to the permission and approval granted by Pope Innocent III and Honorius, at the request of Saint Francis, and again approved and confirmed the Rule:
16 Honorius, Bishop, Servant of the servants of God, to his beloved sons, Brother Francis and the other brothers of the Order of the Lesser Brothers, health and apostolic benediction. 17The Apostolic See is accustomed to grant the pious requests and favourably to accede to the laudable desires of its petitioners. 18Therefore, beloved sons in the Lord, attentive to your pious prayers, We confirm with Our Apostolic Authority, and by these words ratify, the Rule of your Order, herein outlined and approved by Our predecessor, Pope Innocent of happy memory, etc.
19In the thirteenth year of his conversion to Christ, fully enkindled with a desire for martyrdom, he crossed the sea to preach the Christian faith to the Muslims.
22For the rest they did not expect Saint Francis to return to Italy but thought, in view of his having set his soul on the palm of martyrdom and conscious of how strong was this desire, that he would soon go to Christ. 23But God by a gentle arrangement and in a wonderful manner saw to it that he could in no way find the death he sought with all his strength for the sake of Christ and as a testimony of his faith. 24This happened so that he might not lack the desired martyrdom and that he might with an abundance of merits give necessary support to his flock, be conformed to Christ and show to his followers in a fuller manner the way and open the door to the perfect transformation into Christ.
26In what he wrote about Saint Francis, Brother Leo says:
Although the Ministers knew that, according to the Rule of the brothers they were bound to observe the holy Gospel, they nevertheless had that chapter of the Rule where it says ‘Take nothing for your journey, etc.’ removed, believing, despite it, that they were not obliged to observance of the perfection of the holy Gospel.
28Francis said further:
‘Indeed, that all the brothers may know that they are bound to observe the perfection of the holy Gospel, I want it written at the beginning and at the end of the Rule that the brothers are bound to observe firmly the holy Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.
31And he adds:
We who were with him when he wrote the Rule and almost all his other writings bear witness that he had many things written in the Rule and in his other writings, to which certain brothers were opposed, but now, after his death, they would be very useful to the whole religion.
32Therefore, Francis, after his return from overseas, warned by a revelation from Christ and troubled by the presumption of certain brothers who wanted to rule over others according to the judgment of their own understanding while caring little to live according to the form of life revealed to him by Christ, wrote the second Rule inspired by God.
35In the Bull given to Saint Francis and the other brothers in confirmation of the Rule, he stated that the Rule of the Lesser Brothers produced by Saint Francis was first approved by his predecessor, Pope Innocent of happy memory.
37For the Holy Spirit, the love of the Father and the Son, fills, binds and unites people by an unbreakable band of love to God, to the Church, to one another and to neighbours, be they friendly or inimical.
39He understood through the Spirit of Christ that to be united in an unbreakable bond to the Church, and to obey until death the Vicar of Christ and the bishops was the way of life and of eternal salvation.
43But when those who, out of a love of truth, profess the rule of love and the perfection of the Gospel of Christ but fail to maintain a pure observance of the Rule, they will be persecuted in themselves and in others. 44Then, on the witness of the Apostle and of Francis, the observer and author of this Rule, God shall send them the operation of error, to believe lying, that all may be judged to have not believed the truth, but have consented to the iniquity of violating and denying the rule of the love of the Gospel of Jesus Christ;
CHAPTER 1
THE RULE AND LIFE OF THE LESSER BROTHERS
1, 1The Rule and Life of the Lesser Brothers is this: to observe the Holy Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ by living in obedience, without anything of one’s own, and in chastity. 2Brother Francis promises obedience and reverence to our Lord Pope Honorius and his successors canonically elected and to the Roman Church. 3Let the other brothers be bound to obey Brother Francis and his successors.
4The Earlier Rule said:
This is the life of the Gospel of Jesus Christ that Brother Francis petitioned the Lord Pope to grant and confirm for him; and he did grant and confirm it for him and his brothers present and to come. 5Brother Francis – and whoever is head of this religion – promises obedience and reverence to the Lord Pope Innocent and his successors. 6Let all the brothers be bound to obey Brother Francis and his successors.
7For a sound and Catholic understanding of the Rule in its pure and simple intention as inspired by Jesus Christ in Saint Francis, it is of much value to have an exact knowledge of the history of its beginning and to be aware of the situation in which it was written. 8Saint Francis, after the divine and wonderful apparition that occurred while he was praying totally absorbed in God, saw Jesus Christ as if fixed to a cross quoting to him the text of the holy Gospel: If you want to come after me, you must deny yourself, take up your cross and follow me.
10From Christ living within him, clothed with the Spirit of evangelical poverty, a sense of humility, an affection of piety, love of truth, carrying Christ in his heart and mouth and relying solely on divine guidance, he went with his twelve simple brothers to Lord Innocent III, then Supreme Pontiff.
12The Supreme Pontiff, a person of discretion,
brilliant with wisdom, admiring in the man of God remarkable virtue, the purity of a simple person, firmness of purpose, and fiery ardour of will, was disposed in his heart to give his assent to the pious request. 13Yet he hesitated to do what the messenger of Christ asked because his request seemed to some of the cardinals to be too difficult and almost impossible. 14Then the lord John of St Paul, Bishop of Sabina, a lover of all holiness, and a pious helper of Christ’s poor, inspired by the divine Spirit said to the Supreme Pontiff and to his brother cardinals: 15We must apply the utmost attention and careful reflection lest in rejecting the request of this poor man as difficult, impossible and novel we offend the Gospel of Christ; he asks nothing of us other than to be allowed and confirmed in living the life and rule of the Gospel of Christ. 16For if anyone says that in vowing the Gospel of Christ and observing its perfection there is contained therein something novel or irrational or impossible to observe, he would be guilty of blasphemy against Christ, the author of the Gospel.
17At this observation, the Supreme Pontiff said to Saint Francis: My son, pray to Christ that through your petition he may show us his will, so that once we know it we can approve your desires.
18Francis, at the command of the Vicar of Christ,
giving himself totally to prayer, obtained through his devout prayers both what he should say outwardly and what the Pope should hear inwardly about the things he had requested.
19 On returning into the presence of the Supreme Pontiff and the college of his brothers, he told a parable about a rich king who agreed to live in a desert with a beautiful but poor woman who bore him children bearing the image and likeness of the king. 20Later, when the king again journeyed to this place, he recognized his own image in the children and ordered that the mother and her offspring were to be cared for from his own resources. 21He related the parable as he had received it from God and added his own interpretation: The sons and heirs of the eternal king should not fear that they will die of hunger. They have been born of a poor mother by the power of the Holy Spirit in the image of Christ the King, and they will be begotten by the spirit of poverty in our poor religion.
23Then the most wise Pontiff reflected more carefully on the parable put to him and recognized without a doubt that Christ had spoken in this man. He accepted also, as the Divine Spirit indicated, that a vision he had recently received from heaven was to be fulfilled in this servant of Christ. Because of this he bowed to the request in everything and kindly granted the requests; with great generosity he [Francis] promised for the future that whatever God suggested to him as useful for himself and his brothers he would grant.
24From this it is clearly seen that the Supreme Pontiff, a most wise man, understood exactly that Saint Francis requested as a rule the perfection and life of the Gospel of Christ, in so far as the Gospel of Christ can be contained in a vow; this Rule was written in few words according to the intention of Francis and the Pope granted and confirmed his wish.
26Rule, that is the canonical Gospel making a command holy, the law of grace, of justice and of the humility of Christ, and a form of life according to the model of the poverty and cross of Christ Jesus. 27Rule, that leads correctly and teaches without error how to live rightly. 28What our grammarians refer to as to decline the declinable parts of speech, the Greeks call to regulate and canonize.
29Life by the Greeks is called zoe and is applied to vegetative and animal life; but bios is used by them only for the virtuous way of life of the saints. 30And so now, in the Rule and in the stories of all the saints, the word life refers to a holy way of life and a perfect practice of the virtues.
31It says the Rule and Life of the Lesser Brothers, that is, in the habit, vow, work, speech and disposition of the humble. 32In Christ and for Christ in an inseparable and humble union of brotherly love, they desire to be united to one another, and aim in all their desires to be configured, united and conformed to Christ the head and the first of the afflicted.
33Saint Francis filled with the Spirit of Christ, as Brother Leo testifies, said:
34The religion and life of the Lesser Brothers is a little flock, which the Son of God in this very last hour asked, saying: ‘Father, I want you to make and give me a new and humble people in this very last hour, who would be unlike all others who preceded them by their humility and poverty, and be content to have me alone.’
40This is taken from Brother Leo.
41Christ describes himself as lesser in the kingdom of heaven, calls his Apostles a little flock, and calls poor those to whom the Father has given a kingdom.
43So they are people who are lesser by the humility and poverty that Christ, who dwells in the hearts of his disciples, infuses and teaches; to such people can be applied the words of Augustine in De verbis Domini:
44The least are those who have left everything, followed Christ and distributed whatever they had to the poor, so that, free of any worldly shackle, they serve the Lord promptly, and freed from everything of the world fly upward as if with wings on their shoulders.
45And Ambrose, on I Corinthians:
Some brothers are despised for their want and clothing but they are not without grace because they are members of the body of Christ.
49And Saint Basil said to Gregory of Nazianzus:
It is impossible for a human mind, occupied and distracted by an infinite number of cares of the world, to look openly and effectively on truth. The mind should be separated from every worldly care not to live bodily outside the world but so that the soul takes away every sympathy for the body; the body is then left without citizenship, home, personal goods, friendship of friends, possessions, means, work or duties, and it becomes unalterable, not teachable, unable to be disciplined in earthly and human patterns but ready in heart to draw holy knowledge from divine Scripture. 50The preparation of a heart is the wiping away of the influences that had held it back by a bad habit.
51And Gregory of Nazianzus says of some religious of his day:
I longed to see that holy choir chanting, the choir that lives before all others according to the example and admonition of the higher life as silent preachers of the law of God and the Gospel of Christ. 52 In these the habit displays badges of virtue, dishevelled head, with hair uncombed and rough, like the Apostles with bare feet, condemning the arrogance and pride of the world by the meanness of their clothing.
53Therefore, from the beginning there have been in the Church religious persons who professed and followed Gospel perfection, people who on the evidence of Dionysius and Philo of the Jews, a most eloquent person, Eusebius, Gregory Nazianzus, Jerome and Basil were described as suppliants or people of prayer or as servants, monks, saints or brothers of the Lord. Their life always flowered in the Church and through Saint Francis this life, until now promised, has most recently been renewed but is followed by few.
59Regarding their name Augustine says: ‘“Monos” means only one. 60Who, therefore, live in this way so as to form one person, so that they may be in fact, as it is written, but one heart and one soul, are rightly called monos, that is, one.’
62Saint Basil calls his religion a ‘fraternity’ that promises and observes the perfection of the Gospel of Christ.
66St Jerome in his Rule, that the Geeks join to his life in the full histories of the saints, says that he with his brothers observed and kept evangelical perfection. 67And he declares that he had neither possessions nor money.
71Everyone who has carefully examined the Rule of Saint Francis according to the mind and intention of the Saint himself and of Christ speaking in him, and has observed it purely and devoutly, will recognize with certainty both how much it differs from the two Rules that hold the first place in the Roman Church, namely, the Rules of Saints Augustine and Benedict, and also what difficulty compared to them it contains in its brevity.
72First, it differs from the Rule of the canons and monks in its definition and vow because that Rule and life, when the year (of probation) has come to an end, directs that what is defined as the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ must be observed.
73Second, it differs in the manner of receiving brothers, because it commands those entering the religion to give everything to the poor in accord with the word of the holy Gospel.
75Third, it differs in the singular form and lack of design in clothing, namely, one tunic patched inside and out or two for those who may want to use a second. In order that the second tunic may be regarded as a cloak it is made according to the normal form of ordinary clothing.
76Fourth, it differs because it professes bare feet, and outside of clear necessity shoes are not to be used, just as Christ commanded his disciples when they were sent to preach.
77Fifth, it differs because they should not ride horseback, nor carry provisions, except in an obvious need or an infirmity.
78Sixth, it differs because in no way are they to receive coins or money, fields or vineyards, animals or any legacies or wills, either personally or through intermediaries.
80Seventh, it differs because they are not able to sell or buy nor enter into litigation for any reason, be it just or unjust.
81Eighth, it differs because neither for themselves nor for their brothers should they or can they receive, as a price or wage for the work of their hands, any coins or money for food and bodily or spiritual necessity, present or imminent, but only what is necessary for food and clothing, and this with great humility; whatever they receive is to be accepted as if they had begged for an alms.
83Ninth, it differs in obedience because their obedience extends simply and perfectly in all things and to all things, not looking for a return, nor deciding on where to live, and it excludes nothing, apart from sin, from those who profess it.
84Tenth, it differs because everything they use in food, clothing, divine worship or oratories, books, vestments, in places, gardens or in anything else, they ought to use as things belonging to others and to a lord; and they are to be so mean, poor and almost of no value that, because of their meanness, they would not rightly be able nor ought they be regarded as having value. 85They are to show no violence or resistance over these things to anyone who would steal and take them from them; they are to leave those poor places whenever told to do so by the owners to whom the places belong, showing in work and affection that they live here as strangers and pilgrims.
86Eleventh, it differs because they should not accept, nor, as strangers and pilgrims, live in places, churches or dwellings unless they conform to the poverty professed as contained in the Rule.
87Twelfth, it differs because without special permission granted by the Apostolic See they should not nor can they enter the monasteries of nuns.
88Thirteenth, it differs because the Rule gives authority to the ministers provincial to grant permission and obedience to brothers moved by divine inspiration to go among the Saracens and other non-believers, in accord with what Christ at the Ascension said to his disciples: Go into the whole world and preach the Gospel to every creature, and this is the only Rule to make mention of this.
89Fourteenth, it differs because according to the final command of the Founder in his Testament, that he says is not another or different rule, but simply an explanation of the intention of the Rule revealed by Christ, they are not able nor should they
ask any letter from the Roman Curia, either personally or through an intermediary, whether for a church or another place or under the pretext of preaching or the persecution of their bodies,
and much less is it fitting for them according to the perfection promised to ask for such letters from kings or secular princes.
90Fifteenth, it differs because they are not to put either on the Rule or on the words of his Testament glosses that contain or expound things contrary to the correct and true intention that the Lord gave to Saint Francis.
91From these fifteen points not only is the difference between the two previously mentioned Rules and the Rule of Saint Francis clearly illustrated, but also the height of evangelical perfection and the poverty of Christ as well as the nakedness of the cross are clearly shown. 92Moreover, it is indisputably demonstrated that the will of Christ when inspiring the Rule in him, and the main intention, the final and first will of the founder renewing evangelical life, was that the Religion of the Lesser Brothers would have neither in common nor individually anything of its own. 93But they are to meet the demands of the law of nature and grace by using a provision of food and garments suitable for divine worship; they are to do this as obedient servants of God, as disciples of Christ and sons of the Church, stripped of all ownership, obedient solely to the heavenly king, whose kingdom is not of this world and respecting the observance of the law full of grace and truth, so that living in the flesh they do not war according to the flesh.
94Understanding this, blessed Francis says in the Rule about evangelical poverty: Let this be your portion which leads into the land of the living. Giving yourselves totally to this, beloved brothers, never seek anything else under heaven for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.
95And the holy man, Hugh of Digne, says in the booklet he wrote entitled De finibus paupertatis:
Therefore, summarizing into a compendium all that we have examined here and there, we conclude finally that the Order of Lesser Brothers, as lesser, equally as a group and individually, can have as the only thing proper to them that they can have nothing as their own of the things that pass. 96Nothing is more improper to them than ownership. 97And nothing is more proper to them than that there is nothing that they may possess as their own now and for ever. Amen.
98And since genuine disciples of Christ have clung by decision and vow to the imitation of the heavenly life, are dead to the flesh, to the world and to all its concupiscence, and their life is hid with Christ in God,
102Naked as they follow Christ they bear the naked cross of Christ and cling to no earthly concerns. But as strangers and pilgrims in this world they serve the Lord in poverty, nor caring about tomorrow.
105They flee from quarrels over cases; they have and proclaim peace and aspire to that peace that surpasses all understanding.
109As dead to the world, living for Christ alone and for his kingdom, they work with their hands so that in an apostolic and virtuous manner, avoiding idleness, they may live. When the necessities for life are not given to them for their work, because they can in no way receive coins or money, they have recourse to the table of the Lord, begging alms from door to door to the glory of Christ and for the edification and well-being of the donors.
111They may not ride on horseback, nor according to the Rule should they ride on horseback when they are healthy or unless some other clear necessity presses on them.
116And so that they do not fall from the perfection of the most high poverty and humility of Christ, they are not to use as a legal right any papal privilege, any royal privilege or privilege from any other person, ‘whether for a church or a place or under the pretext of preaching or the persecution of their bodies,’ so as to observe the last command of their father, to carry the cross with Christ and the Apostles and to possess the heavenly freedom of exemption and immunity from the slavery of sin in fellowship with the sufferings of Christ.
119That the Doctor of the Gentiles, after the example of the earlier fathers, Moses and Elijah the forerunner and of the Lord and master Himself, from time to time devoted himself to contemplation and prayer is evidenced and proclaimed by the cave dedicated to his name, somewhat inaccessible and not a short distance from Tarsus of Cilicia, and another near Corinth that are held in much reverence by the inhabitants and by all the faithful to this day.
121There was no error in this because the Rule and life of Saint Francis fully and perfectly includes and reaches in action and contemplation the heights and aims of the highest perfection, and has a genuine likeness and identity with Jesus Christ, the author of life, and with his disciples.
122Professed brothers, according to the decree of the holy Gospel itself and of the Vicar of Christ, cannot lawfully leave this Order nor, for the sake of a more perfect life, transfer to another order, because no one who puts a hand to the plow and looks to what was left behind is fit for the kingdom of God.
125From what has been treated briefly, the difference and agreement, equality and singularity, superiority and inferiority, difficulty and concession of the three main Rules, the principal Rules observed and approved by the Church to which other rules and statutes of whatever Order are reduced, can be evident enough to any intelligent person reflecting on them with care and Christian attention. 126Moreover, from the context, exhortations, counsels, prohibitions and commands of these rules, it is most evident that to canons and monks many concessions are made and are lawful according to the perfect observance of their rules that the evangelical rule forbids and prohibits to those professing it.
127Although all perfection of the Christian religion consists in faith in the one Jesus Christ, perfect love of Him now is by grace, and in the future by glory in an open vision of His deity in tension and enjoyment. Nevertheless, to understand the distances and differences of the states existing in the Church between monks of the first and now the modern age, 128we must distinguish separately and discern clearly the conditions in which we now are and those in which they were, lest we accept imperfect for perfect and equate imperfect with perfect. 129In this it must be remembered that the Apostles named those who choose to promise and observe the poverty and virginity of the Gospel of Christ, the order of the perfect, or the suppliants or the servants of God;
132When an Abbot was asked by the Emperor how many monks he had in his monastery, he answered: Three. 133And the Emperor said to him: We had heard that you have seventy monks in your monastery. 134The Abbot said to him: I have three true monks each of whom can raise the dead.
138Saint Pafnuntius, reflecting on the scarcity of good monks, said to Saint John Cassian: We are afraid today that there are so few who reach the perfection of monastic denial, but we read that of the children of Israel who came out of Egypt only a few entered the land of the promise.
141What proves the sterility of the present time in which not only have hardly any works of perfection remained, but even faith in the perfection of the Christian religion has weakened almost in everyone so that the statement of Truth, namely, when the Son of man comes shall he find faith on earth,
142In fact, to which monks and canons, Lesser Brothers and Preachers is the definition given by the fathers applicable? With what difficulty can one find, in the time of this hardening, anyone who possesses fully the reality of virtue and the fruit of works, and who possesses the truth of the matter defined. Now let the definition itself speak, and let all who read understand.
143Saint Nilus: ‘A monk is a person who neither has nor owns anything under heaven’. 144The same author: ‘A monk is a person who is free of any matter belonging to the world and who crucifies himself against temptations of the flesh and satan; and against contests in the world’.
146Abbot Pastor: ‘A monk is a person who has mortified every desire of the flesh, abhors rest for the body, hates the praises of others and mourns unceasingly’.
149John Climacus:
A monk has an order and firmness of what is incorporeal in a material and poor body. 150A monk does, thinks and speaks only of things pertaining to God, is united with Christ in every place, time and occupation. 151A monk is unceasing in doing violence to nature and tireless in guarding the senses. 152A monk is holy in body, purified in speech and enlightened in mind. 153A monk laments and is sorrowful in soul, disciplines himself, whether awake or asleep, with an unceasing remembrance of death. 154The withdrawal of a monk from the world and his renouncing of it, is a voluntary hatred of something highly esteemed and a renouncing of nature for the sake of a choice of those things that are above nature.
155In truth, a monk is not haughty in his own eyes, has a humble outlook of soul and an unmoved appreciation of the body. 156A monk summons those who attack him like beasts and provokes them when they run from him. 157A monk’s mind is incessantly fixed on God and has sadness in life. 158A monk has unfailing light in the eye of the heart, an abyss of humility, completely overturning and snuffing out every contrary spirit.
160Whatever has been treated in these definitions indicates the active and contemplative sanctification of the religious state, without which those who serve God are like trees that bear flowers and leaves but do not produce fruit. 161In their description all and each religious can examine and know clearly to what degree he is far from or close to the chosen goal of the perfection promised in actions, affections and virtue. 162They describe most clearly an evangelical person in virtue, affections and actions, and they open up the religious way of life that those professing the Gospel of Christ are obliged to walk; 163and they show how significant is what Saint Francis said in his Testament, since this most clearly points out that ‘the Most High Himself revealed to me that I should live according to the pattern of the Holy Gospel.’
166And to a minister wanting to have permission to keep the books he had, Francis replied that he neither should nor could, for the sake of his books, go against his conscience and the Gospel he had promised,
169It is no small fault for one who has promised to live the highest way of life to live in an indifferent way and to follow it imperfectly after taking the vow. 170But there is no doubt that from the words and writings of Saint Francis it is clear that he received not from human beings nor through a human being but through a revelation of Jesus Christ, who often appeared to him and marked him with his stigmata, that he should take the Gospel as his rule, promise it, in so far as the Gospel falls under a vow, and that he would ask that this be granted to him by the Church.
171Hence, Saint Francis said that he had promised to observe as a rule the Gospel and life of Christ and that this is what he asked for and petitioned from the Supreme Pontiffs. 172The Gospel contains the most perfect and holy life of Christ and his most divine and supreme authority, now residing in the Church and the Vicar of Christ, without which a religion cannot be founded or started.
174This is one of the reasons why the Rule confirmed by Honorius does not contain as many authorities and counsels of the Gospel as are included in the Rule confirmed by Innocent. 175From the definition found in the beginning of the Rule confirmed by Honorius and the repetition of the same sentence at the end of the rule, everything scattered throughout the first is understood. 176And the Apostle writing To the Galatians called the Gospel revealed to him a rule saying: And whosoever shall follow this rule, peace on them and mercy.
178For the Rule and Life of the Lesser Brothers is this: to observe the Holy Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ by living in obedience, without anything of one’s own, and in chastity.
179All the counsels of the Gospel of Christ are reduced to three, namely, obedience, poverty and chastity, and in these consists every foundation of religious life. 180Therefore, every order in a different way, that is, to a greater or lesser degree of perfection, promises the aforementioned counsels that contain the perfection of the life and teaching of Christ according to the different grades and the various inspirations of the Holy Spirit, allowing for the conditions of time and the structure of the building that is the Church. 181Every state and rule is so much more perfect the more it is like the example shown to Moses on the mountain, namely, Jesus Christ who has been shown to us internally and externally, spiritually and bodily, actively and in contemplation, that is, in his behaviour and affections.
182There are in the Gospel twelve principal counsels to which the others are reduced, like nine to three.
183The first counsel is poverty, the second obedience, the third chastity and these three are the foundation of every order. 184These are against the concupiscence of the flesh, and the concupiscence of the eyes and the pride of life, the three roots of all vices just as poverty, obedience and chastity are the foundations of all the counsels.
185The fourth counsel is charity, namely, love of enemies; this is a counsel concerning love of what is done and a precept concerning love of friendship and affection.
186The fifth is meekness as in the text: If one strikes you on your right cheek, turn to him also the other.
187The sixth is mercy and almsgiving as in the text: Give to everyone who asks of you etc. To give what is superfluous is necessary, but to give what we need is the counsel.
188The seventh is simplicity in speech: Let your speech be yes, yes, no, no, because if a yes or no is in the mouth it should also be in the heart.
189The eighth is to avoid occasions of sin. So it is said: If your eye scandalize you etc. in that occasions of sin, be they temporal or spiritual, are to be completely avoided.
190The ninth is the correctness of one’s efforts and the intention of these efforts, as in: Take heed that you do not your justice before men etc.
191The tenth is a harmony between work and teaching as in: Cast out first the beam out of your own eye etc. and further: They bind heavy and insupportable burdens etc.
192The eleventh is to avoid worry as in: Be not solicitous for our life etc. where excessive care in collecting temporal goods is forbidden.
193The twelfth is fraternal correction as in: If your brother sins against you etc.; this is a counsel when a brother with love and shame is corrected for venial faults, but it is a precept when the faults are mortal.
194Saint Basil, writing in Ad Amphylochium, defines all these counsels as belonging to the substance of the perfection of evangelical life and suited to all who profess this life.
195In truth, it is no small struggle to pursue what is demanded of one who confesses those things belonging to profession. 196Indeed, to choose first of all the way of life that is according to the Gospel, that is, to observe it all even in its smallest detail, and to put aside or despise nothing of what is written therein; as far as it has come to our notice, this is done by very few.
197Therefore, according to the Gospel, one should use a disciplined tongue and an eye trained by discipline, hands for work in accord with a purpose pleasing to God, feet for movement, each member as our Creator determined from the beginning, and what is necessary for life without superfluity in adornment for clothing, restraint in speech and sufficiency in food. 198All this indeed seems to be trivial when stated simply but we have found it to be true that to control them demands a strong struggle.
199For which reason, a strong struggle is needed if one is to possess humbly what is perfect, not keep a memory of a proud lineage, of some trick of nature, of anything that may be superfluous in us either in body or soul, and not to extol this or any conditions surrounding us that give rise to suspicions of superiority and nature. 200An evangelical life has the following qualities, namely, a firm practice of abstinence, love of the work of prayer, compassion from charity to sickness, sharing with the needy, prudence, humble and lowly, sound in faith and contrition. 201An evangelical life is simple and gentle when in sadness, never abandons meditation and effort from the thought of the terrible and unavoidable judgment to which all of us are going. 202The struggles of the ending are kept in mind by only very few,
203Firstly, a Christian should savour the worthy heavenly vocation and in a worthy way be familiar with the Gospel of Christ; nor should he feel superior, be drawn away by anything from the thought of God but by acts of justice in accord with the law, keep these things in mind. 204A Christian should not swear, lie, blaspheme, injure, fight, be vengeful, render evil for evil or be angry.
205A Christian should be long-suffering no matter what happens, patient, censuring when opportune a person causing harm, but in no way taking vengeance in personal revenge while moved by passion, but should desire to direct a brother according to the command of the Lord.
206A Christian should not say anything against an absent brother with the intention of disparaging him even if what is said is true because this is detraction, but a Christian ought to avoid what disparages a brother. 207A Christian must be careful to avoid speaking scurrilously, laughing, and is not to tolerate those who laugh and mock. 208A Christian should not utter worthless things, anything not useful to those who listen, but only what is allowed to us by the Lord as a necessary usefulness.
209As much as possible workers should hasten the work peacefully and those who preside over works should encourage those entrusted to them with apt words and with due reflection dispense an encouraging word so that the Holy Spirit is not grieved.
214Whoever has been put in a position of management, should take care of everything as though it belonged to the Lord, not throwing anything away, being careless, or treating it with indifference. 215Nor should he regard anything as his own but rather as given by God for the service of the brothers who, from being of one mind, know and act in everything in a proper order.
216He is not to murmur in a time of want and scarcity of what is necessary, nor in the burden of the work, when those in charge form a judgment about individual things. 217There should be no shouting or any other image or action by which anger or elation are represented, conscious that God is present or that we are in the presence of God. 218It is necessary to adjust the voice to what is necessary, not be afraid to reply to anyone or do anything, but in everything show to all what is kind and honourable. 219And in no way should the eye or any other action or movement of a limb be used with deceit that may sadden a brother or imply disrespect.
220It is necessary to avoid wearing ornate clothing or shoes as this is to act unlawfully, but poor clothes are to be used in everything necessary for the body. 221One is not, indeed it is to be avoided, to consume anything in abundance and to satiety beyond what is needed, for this is an abuse. One is not to look for honour or to take the first place, for that is pride; each person should honour first all others before oneself, setting no value on oneself but being subject and obedient. 222Also a lazy person should not eat while having the health for work, but one, set a task from the range of jobs, must do violence to oneself in applying oneself and carrying out the work according to one’s ability. 223But each, with the scrutiny of those in charge, does everything with surety and reason even to eating and drinking for the glory of God.
224It is not right to change from one job to another without informing those who should be informed of such works unless somewhere one has been called suddenly to help another in need in an unavoidable necessity. 225Because each one should remain in the work to which he had been appointed, and not, by going beyond due measure, change to things not approved for him, unless perhaps those in charge have given approval to help someone in need; 226it is not fitting to find in the skill of the work of another some reason, arising from contempt and a quarrel, to do something against another.
227One should not envy another’s competence nor be pleased over the failures of anyone, but rather be saddened and upset over the failings of a brother. 228Also, one ought not remain indifferent to sinners, remaining silent or keeping quiet with them, but rather, when one censures, it must be with compassion and fear of God, aimed at bringing the sinner to conversion. 229The one who is censured or accused should accept it promptly, knowing it is intended for his betterment.
230When an innocent person is accused by someone, he should not contradict the accuser to his face nor before others, but if perhaps at some time the accusation will have seemed to be irrational, he should speak with the accuser apart from others, to be exonerated or to explain the situation. 231One should be concerned, as much as possible, when another has something against him. 232Nor is it fitting to keep in mind the malice of a person who has sinned, acknowledged the sin and done penance, but rather it must be dismissed from one’s heart. 233Likewise, when someone says he will do penance for a sin, he must not only be repentant of the sin committed but also bring forth fruits worthy of penance.
234When he has been corrected over his first failings and has become worthy of pardon, should he sin again he should ready himself to receive a judgment of anger worse than the first. 235He who persists in his sin after a first and second correction must be pointed out to the superior, and perhaps he may feel shame when accused by many. 236But if he is not corrected even by this, he is to be cut off from the others as a scandalous person, and be regarded as a heathen and publican, for the strengthening, assurance and the furthering of obedience among the workers, according to the saying: As the wicked fall, the just feel fear.
238Nor should the sun set over anger lest the night, coming between the two, becomes a day of judgment and the inevitable judgment follows.
243It is not fitting to be a lover of money or to treasure what is useless. 244Because one progressing toward God must follow poverty and own nothing, keep oneself safe in all things and be pierced through with the fear of God according to the text: Pierce my flesh with your fear for I am afraid of your judgments.
245Saint Basil teaches that all the preceding has to be accepted by those who progress in the service of the Lord, so that in cooperation with God they may produce worthy and opportune fruits of their vocation, and what has been decided by Christ is imposed on those wanting to live religiously so as not to incur a sentence of future judgment but inherit the glory of eternal happiness. 246All the above are counsels of the Gospel, elements of an evangelical life and rule. All are implicit in it, and all are graces of freedom, loosing one from faults and sins; they are necessary and opportune for those wanting to live religiously, and all are reduced to those three fundamental counsels stated at the beginning of the Rule where it is said: The Rule and Life of the Lesser Brothers is this: to observe the Holy Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ by living in obedience, without anything of one’s own, and in chastity.
248Whoever for the whole course of life remains hateful of one’s own will, remains in love with poverty, grows and thinks, searches and asks with keen desire and continuous sighs to be found truly obedient, poor and chaste in body and soul and pure before God, would choose first for the honour of God every punishment and death rather than consent to abandon the love and struggle of obedience, poverty and chastity.
249Blessed Francis says:
That person who offers himself totally to obedience in the hands of his prelate leaves all that he possesses and loses his body. Whatever he says or does that he knows is not contrary to the will of his prelate has true obedience, provided that what he does is good.
250And he says further on obedience:
Holy Obedience confounds every corporal and carnal wish, binds its mortified body to obedience of the Spirit and obedience to one’s brother, 251so that it is subject and truly submissive to everyone in the world, not only to people but to every beast and wild animal as well that they may do whatever they want with it insofar as it has been given to them from above by the Lord.
252No one can be obedient unless he has first died to all vices and desires, like the monk who lived in the desert on the bank of the Jordan. When he had reached perfect obedience, he wanted to show the monks the way to learn obedience; sometimes he took vipers, carried them in his hand and killed them in front of the brothers and said to them: 253Brothers, run from the praises of people and flee vanity, cut it out of your hearts and the poison of vipers will not harm you. 254And he did this with all the poisonous animals and the young of the wild animals.
255He taught the monks to flee and hate any vices and sins noticeable in themselves so that they might try to reach the opposites of those vices and sins, namely, the obedience of Christian charity that has and enjoys full freedom from the deadly poison of infidelity, love of one’s own will and the feral rage of cruelty.
Obedience is the salvation of all the faithful; obedience is the mother of all the virtues; obedience is the discoverer of the kingdom of heaven. 257Obedience opens heaven and lifts people from the earth; obedience lives with the angels; obedience is the food of all the saints. 258They were weaned to this and by it came to perfection.
259Saint Francis said about poverty: ‘Holy Poverty confounds the desire for riches, greed, and the cares of this world.’
262Chastity or virginity is the first sign of virtue; it is close to God, like to the angels, source of life, friend of holiness, humble teacher of confidence, lady of joy, leader in virtue, alleviating pain, support of faith and hope and protection of charity. 263Chastity is the joyful and lovable temple and dwelling of Jesus Christ, a supernatural denial of nature, an effect of the sanctification of the Incarnate Word and the incorruptible fruit of his death and resurrection. 264Christ, the Word and Wisdom of the Father, dwells in a chaste soul, pours the sight of his joy into it and shows, as in a mirror, the glory of his vision. 265Whatever someone who serves him has, be it wisdom, knowledge, eloquence, prophecy, miracles and the grace of healings it is nothing without chastity.
266A soul that is not chaste cannot please God.
270Indeed, because every virtue, truth and holiness of grace is held for ever in the love and tension of obedience, poverty and chastity, he says: living in obedience, without anything of one’s own, and in chastity.
272Brother Francis promises obedience and reverence to our Lord Pope Honorius and his successors canonically elected and to the Roman Church. Let the other brothers be bound to obey Brother Francis and his successors.
273Since in accord with the greatness of faith and the perfection of charity, in every person, situation and order, there is needed a truth of submission, integrity of obedience and unity of an inseparable clinging to Christ, to his vicar and to the Catholic Church. 274So filled with the highest faith and seraphic charity, Francis, the imitator of the life of Christ, promises for himself and for his brothers immediate obedience and reverence in the most perfect and highest way to the Lord Pope Honorius and his successors canonically elected and to the Roman Church. 275He not only promises obedience in the way necessary for the salvation of every believer, but as fundamental to, promoting and perfecting the promise of the evangelical rule and life; every order is more perfect, the closer and more intimately it is united with the Church, and the more reverently and humbly it serves as a subject in obedience the Vicar of Christ, and the sacred Roman College.
276Well-being, salvation and life are in the fulness of such obedience, while error, death and bitter damnation are in abandoning it and holding it in contempt.
278Moroever,as his companions used to relate and Brother Leo writes
he understood through the Holy Spirit that times of future troubles were drawing near, times in which temporal and spiritual confusions and divisions would abound and the charity of many would grow cold and iniquity abound, the power of the demons would be freer than usual and the purity of his Order and of others would be deformed by stains, and the promised dissension and apostasy of the one empire from the other would be completed in so far that very few would obey out of a love of truth the Supreme Pontiff and the Roman Church. 279And that one not canonically elected and infected with heretical irregularity, at the very time of this trouble, when raised to the papacy would endeavour shrewdly to bring the death of his error to many. 280And that then scandals would be multiplied and his Religion would be divided with many breaking away from others because they would not contradict error or consent to it; and there would be opinions and so many great schisms among people, religious and the clergy that unless those days had been shortened, according to the word of the Gospel, if possible even the elect would be led into error, unless in the midst of such turmoil, by the great mercy of God, the errors were controlled.
281He wanted, therefore, in accord with what he had accepted in the revelation in those words necessary for the truly humble and poor, to those who love to cling faithfully and inseparably to Christ and to his Church, according to the vow of the promise of evangelical life, to give a knowledge of discretion and to announce beforehand the danger of the scandal about to come in the Church and to give a remedy. 282Namely, that then they should proceed cautiously and strengthen themselves and come together more strongly and more perfectly in the observance of the promised life and Rule, when they see someone, not canonically elected, usurp the papacy in a tyrannical manner or when one infected with heretical irregularity perversely holds on to it. 283Then, as he used to say, happy those who persevere in what they began and freely promised the Lord to observe.
284Saint Francis used to say and frequently preached before the Lord of Ostia, many brothers and also to the people, that his brothers, influenced by evil spirits, would stray from the way of holy simplicity and of most high poverty,
288And Christ would rightly send to them, as they deserve, not a pastor but an exterminator who according to their works and efforts would render them their reward.
290For truth then will be covered in silence by preachers or it will be denied as something contemptible, and holiness of life will be held in derision by those who profess it. 291But those fervent in spirit who will cling to piety and truth out of love, will endure innumerable persecutions as if they were disobedient and schismatics.
292Saint Francis preached, as his companions, namely, Brothers Bernard, Angelo, Masseo, Leo and others of his companions testified after his death, that
there will be such insults and disturbance from demons and wicked people against those walking simply and humbly that, abandoned by all, they will be forced to seek out desert and solitary places, or to go to the unbelievers, or be dispersed, wearing secular dress, leading the life of a pilgrim, or hiding among some faithful, enduring punishments and death from innumerable calumnies and quarrels.
295Nor will they understand because demons will turn all their force and fury against holiness of life, poverty and the truth of evangelical humility, and, if they were allowed, kill them in their shoots and destroy them even to their roots, that mercifully Christ had renewed by two great lights of heaven, namely, Dominic and Francis.
299The first chapter of the Rule approved by Pope Innocent was this:
300The rule and life of these brothers is this, namely: ‘to live in obedience, in chastity, and without anything of their own,’ and to follow the teaching and footprints of our Lord Jesus Christ, who says
305This is the first chapter of The Earlier Rule. The second chapter of this Rule is about the reception and clothing of the brothers:
306If anyone, wishing by divine inspiration to accept this life, comes to our brothers, let him be received by them with kindness. 307If he is determined to accept our life, let the brothers be very careful not to become involved in his temporal affairs but present him to their minister as quickly as possible. 308On his part, let the minister receive him with kindness, encourage him and diligently explain the tenor of our life to him. 309When this has been done, let the above-mentioned person – if he wishes and is capable of doing so spiritually without any difficulty – sell all his belongings and be conscientious in giving everything to the poor.
310Let the brothers and the minister of the brothers be careful not to interfere in any way in his temporal affairs, 311nor to accept money either by themselves or through an intermediary. 312Nevertheless, if the brothers are in need, they can accept, like other poor people, whatever is needed for the body excepting money.
313When he has returned, the minister may give him the clothes of probation for a year, that is, two tunics without a hood, a cord, trousers, and a small cape reaching to the cord. 314When the year and term of probation has ended, he may be received into obedience. 315After this it will be unlawful for him to join another Order or to ‘wander outside obedience’ according to the decree of the Lord Pope and the Gospel, for no one putting his hand to the plow and looking to what was left behind is fit for the kingdom of God.
318All the other brothers who have already promised obedience may have one tunic with a hood and, if it is necessary, another without a hood and trousers. 319Let all the brothers wear poor clothes and, with the blessing of God, they can patch them with sackcloth and other pieces, for the Lord says in the Gospel: Those who wear expensive clothing and live in luxury and who dress in fine garments are in the houses of kings.
CHAPTER II
THOSE WHO WISH TO ADOPT THIS LIFE AND HOW THEY SHOULD BE RECEIVED
2, 1If there are any who wish to accept this life and come to our brothers, etc.
2Saint Francis replied to his brothers who asked him to encourage a young man of upright behaviour to enter the Religion: 3Brothers, it is not for me nor for you to influence someone to enter our life, rather we must preach penance by our works and in all our sermons, and attract all to the love of and obedience to Christ and to hate and despise the world. 4It is for the Lord, who alone knows what is best for people, to choose and call to this life those whom he might make suitable and to whom he has given the grace to take it on and observe it. 5Hence, the Lord who planted the Religion, desires that we leave its government, increase and preservation entirely to him.
6One of the ways in which the demons will attack this Religion will be by wrongful and imprudent reception.
10Hence, Pope Gregory in his Declaratio, written on the Rule at the request and insistence of the brothers, says that provincial Ministers cannot delegate this power to their Vicars ‘because the Ministers themselves are not allowed to do this, unless a special permission has been given to them by the Minister general’.
12In former times, perfect religious were wary of those who came to join them; they were received only after much difficulty, a testing of their obedience and after they had first put aside every earthly desire, as is most evident in the Lives, the Instituta Patrum, the Collationes, and the Rule of Saint Basil, and in the deeds and writings of other holy people who dealt with this matter.
16The four Masters of the Order of Lesser Brothers, namely ‘Brothers Alexander of Hales, John of Capella, Robert of Bascia, and Rigaldus’, together with Brother Gaufredi, then Custos of Paris, explained the Rule at the command of a General Chapter and sent it to Brother Haymo then Minister general, stating that because of ‘a privilege received later the Ministers were not only given permission to receive brothers but also the power to delegate it to others’,
it does not seem to be without danger if some brothers draw back by privileges from the intention of the Rule they vowed, and especially because in a similar way they may fear that later the truth of the Rule will be corrupted. 18Because just as in this case a privilege of dispensation was asked for on the basis of clear usefulness, so, because of what some brother will regard as a clear necessity, they will be able to ask for a privilege against other articles of the Rule.
19Likewise, Pope Gregory says in his Declaratio on this article of the Rule, namely: And let none of the brothers dare to preach in any way to the people unless he has been examined and approved by the general minister of this fraternity and the office of preaching has been conferred upon him, ‘that a Minister general cannot grant this to an absent person’.
Because this was relaxed by a privilege asked for, many are afraid that, by other privileges asked for, the whole perfection of the Rule could later be relaxed.
The above mentioned Masters say this.
22Saint Francis, informed beforehand by the Spirit of Christ of future troubles that would be stirred up in the end of days by demons and men, troubles contrary to the perfection of the life inspired in him by Christ, warned the brothers not to depart, under pretext of any utility, any necessity or any kind of spiritual edification, from a pure and holy understanding, an observance of the promised Rule from a love of poverty and humility, if they wanted to please God truly and gain victory over their visible and invisible enemies.
24Being ignorant of the cunning of the demons and not guarding against the bias of their own affections toward evil, they will say confidently that it is not against the purity of the Rule to ask for privileges from the Supreme Pontiff to hear confessions, to be able to preach more freely, to build churches, to increase the number of brothers, to help the infirm, to bury devout people, to increase study and the number of books and for other reasons that they claim are for the utility, solidity and spiritual state of the whole Religion.
26And they will not reflect that a person honours God badly who thinks to honour God by disobedience. 27One saves the souls of others poorly when one damns his own soul. 28It is useless to build a church from stones when one has withdrawn from the promised observance of poverty and humility. 29It is vain to increase the number of companions when one does not keep company with those who love virtue. 30It is stupid to provide for the needs of sick bodies when one gives the opposite to the sicknesses of one’s own soul. 31When a brother neglects whatever is necessary for the promised imitation of Christ, on the excuse of burying the dead, he makes himself unsuitable for the kingdom of heaven. 32And one is seduced who sweats to increase the number of books but does not increase the exercise of virtue. 33In error and deceived, he works in vain who takes the fantasies of his heart and the suggestions of the demons as an action of the Spirit, and who thinks that he himself is building up the state of his spiritual condition when he is confusing and destroying it.
34Nor have they discovered from the prudence of human understanding and wisdom an argument of evident utility and spiritual progress, nor are they for the observance of the Rule, as they claim; 35but rather, all that contradicts and blocks the faithful and pure observance of the commands and counsels of Christ nourishes and fosters the secret, evil work of destroying spiritual utility and progress, and disobedience against papal authority and the jurisdiction of the Church, and it causes and brings about prejudice.
36For as Brother Leo wrote, Saint Francis:
often said to his companions: ‘Here lies my pain and grief: those things which I received from God by His mercy with great effort of prayer and meditation for the present and future good of the Religion, and which are, as he assures me, in accordance with his will, 37some of the brothers on the subtlety and prudence of their sciences nullify and oppose me saying: “These things must be kept and observed; but not those!”’
38And:
He often repeated this saying: ‘Woe to those brothers who are opposed to what I know to be the will of God and for the greatest good of the religion, and say “These things must be kept and observed; but not those!”’
39Therefore, it was the will of blessed Francis that the Minister general, as the Rule says, could grant permission to receive brothers only to the provincial Ministers.
40For according to the height of the heaven above the earth,
42So that the danger of admitting unfaithful people and those erring in their faith be avoided, Francis wants the ministers to examine those coming to the Order on the faith, that is on the articles of faith to be believed, and on the sacraments of the Church, by which we are reborn, put on and confess Christ, and by which we become subjects and obedient to the unity of the Church.
45However, he does not mention other impediments because he wants the others to be understood in this one and, with vigilant care and discreet reflection, they are to be examined by the Ministers who will receive only those who, according to the counsel of Christ, want to give away their possessions and enter, lawfully and correctly, through the door to the perfection of evangelical life and the Rule. 46The Ministers are bound to show this door to those wanting to come to the Religion and to introduce all whom they receive through it to the life and rule of Christ so that by entering through it their entrance may be holy and their beginning pure, a means of a good life and their end a finish in harmony with the beginning.
47For Christ showed this door to the young man who had kept the commandments from his youth, saying: If you will be perfect, go sell what you have, and give to the poor, and you shall have treasure in heaven.
49The Ministers of the evangelical rule, by reason of their office, are to announce the word of the perfection of the Gospel to those whom they receive into this evangelical life, who then should carefully and faithfully with the utmost joy and fervour carry out the command of Christ before their entry into the Religion. 50And, so that they might show the signs and works of the disciples, walking naked after Christ in the trust of faith by throwing away the weight of earthly things, especially their own will, they will carry the naked cross until the end seeking and minding only what is heavenly and eternal.
51Saint Francis replied as follows to one person asking to join the Order:
‘If you want to join God’s poor, first distribute what you have to the poor of the world.’ 52He distributed his goods to his relatives and not to the poor, and Francis said to him again: ‘Go, Brother Fly. You began with flesh, and laid down a crumbling foundation for a spiritual building. You are not worthy of the holy poor.’
53Blessed Basil wrote to an Abbot who had received a senator who had not stripped himself completely of his possessions: ‘You have lost a senator and not made a monk’.
54Saint Anthony said to a youth who wanted to become a monk but held back for himself a few possessions:
If you want to become a monk go into the village and buy meats, put them on your naked body and come to me. 55Having done what he was told, he came to him with his body wounded from the claws and bites of birds and the stings of flies. 56And he said: Those who renounce the world and still want to own money, are attacked in this way by demons and torn to pieces.
57Because the first foundation of all evangelical perfection is a spirit of poverty, to which by right of the promise of Christ the kingdom of heaven is due, he who holds on to some portion of his possessions, or distributes them to relatives, does not enter by the door to evangelical life, nor lay a foundation on the rock, namely, Christ, since to enter into religion without any impediment he must, if he is able, give what he possesses to the poor.
59To his vicar who asked whether, for the needs of the novices, it was allowed to keep something from the possessions of the novices that were to be given to the poor, he replied: 60‘I prefer that you strip the altar of the glorious Virgin, when necessity requires it, than to use something or even a little that is contrary to the vow of poverty and the observance of the Gospel’.
61Therefore, in order to have the treasure in heaven that Christ promised to those who give all their possessions to the poor, they must, if they can, when coming to the life and discipleship of Christ, give promptly to the poor what they possess.
67Let the brothers and the minister be careful not to interfere with their temporal goods that they may dispose of their belongings as the Lord inspires them.
68He wanted all the brothers to be as foreigners and strangers to any involvement and concern in the disposing of the goods of those coming to the religion, and from giving advice in the distribution and accepting of such goods. 69For, according to what Saint Basil explains in his Rule, much that is unsuitable can be caused by the distribution or receiving of such goods, and it can be the occasion of much harm in both those receiving and in the things received. 70And he says that the distribution and giving away of such things to the poor ought and can be more fittingly done by stewards of the Church who have the care of the poor and know their condition so that the brothers receive absolutely nothing from such things.
73He orders all the brothers and ministers to keep themselves away from giving advice or caring about the distribution of such goods, so that, following the example of our Lord Jesus Christ who said: Sell all you have and give to the poor, they themselves and the whole Religion can be kept completely away from the dangers, scandals and defilement, both internal and external, that can so easily be incurred from this.
78Andrew, that great servant of the Lord, pretending to be a fool, remained naked while serving Christ who hung naked for us on the cross, covering only his sexual organs with a small piece of poor cloth; when a demon argued with him and wanted to stop him from continuing on his way, he threw the cloth in his face saying: ‘Go away from me and see that what I own in the world is now yours’. Confused, the demon immediately left him and disappeared.
79The human race stripped naked by sin of its innocence, life of grace and hope of glory was clothed by Christ with grace and holiness. Christ did this when he was born naked, lived as a poor person and taught the poverty that he consecrated and made his bride on the cross, consecrated and sealed it in death, made it bright in the resurrection and when he ascended into heaven raised it on a throne so that by it he might restore the human race to its lost innocence, give it back a life of grace, enrich it, now reconciled to God, with virtues and recall it to the kingdom of glory.
80Then they may be given the clothes of probation, namely, two tunics without a hood, a cord, short trousers, and a little cape reaching to the cord.
81When they have become poor out of love for Christ, when they ask for, desire and are strongly afire with a love of poverty, when they think little of themselves, the [ministers] may give what they desire and ask for, namely, a cheap and poor habit. 82From the law and teaching of the holy Fathers, and from the traditions and rules inspired in them by the Holy Spirit, the distinction between the habit for beginners and professed is shown for the information of those wanting to serve Christ perfectly and religiously. 83This is done so that during the time of their probation they may show a hatred of their own understanding and will, a displeasure with the vanities of the world, with pride of life, with a familiarity with delicacies and concupiscence of the flesh, and that they may show a fixed, unvarying and unchangeable stability in their resolve for a holy style of life, an imitation of the life of Christ, and a humble, poor and perpetual slavery to him.
84Some of the saints used to give three years of probation to novices on the basis of the Gospel story of the fig-tree that was to be cut down after three years if it remained barren after being fertilized.
88When a novice has been humbly established in the vineyard of the Lord and is producing fruit, then he is received to obedience, offering and fully renouncing himself with a firm and immoveable promise to the Lord who with tears and a strong cry offered himself to the Father on the cross so that with fear and humility we might do the same by persevering to the end on the cross of penance and a life of holiness.
90By the tunic with a hood, that the monks call a cowl, the brothers a habit, the ancient fathers understood a small cowl because it was a small hood covering the head with pieces hanging before and behind joined to the scapular on the body, and was a sign of humility and of that innocence and purity of the children of which the Lord said: Unless you be converted and become like little children, you shall not enter the kingdom of heaven.
93Blessed Basil wanted the ones to be received to remain in secular clothing and for their probation to be under a senior and in a separate house until they had given clear evidence of their constancy and good will. In accordance with the Gospel, he wanted the habit of all of them to be a tunic and cloak and he directed that the change of clothing and the profession of obedience were to take place at the same time.
95When the year of probation has come to an end, they may be received to obedience promising always to observe this rule and life. 96On no account shall it be lawful for them to leave this Order, according to the decree of our Lord the Pope, for, according to the Gospel: no one who puts a hand to the plow and looks to what was left behind is fit for the kingdom of God.
97When the year of probation has come to an end, those who are well tested, exercised in virtues and are fervent in love of God, neighbour, poverty, humility and chastity may be received to obedience, because, in the evangelical obedience they promise, the perfection of all the virtues is contained. 98For this reason, he refers to the promise of evangelical life and rule as a reception to obedience because by the obedience of Christ we are redeemed, saved and called to a life of grace and glory.
99By the mortification of our whole will, obedience is the salvation of souls, life of the faithful, mother of virtues, discoverer of the kingdom of heaven, key to wisdom, guardian of secrets, a sweet yoke taking people upward, a work of angels, crown and support of perfect saints, fruit of the cross, door and most safe way leading to unspeakable rest in the peace of Christ and a taste of heavenly wisdom itself, by which one is joined in an unbreakable way to others, to the religion, to superiors, to the Church and to Christ the head of all.
100Just as, according to the Rule, permission is given to the ministers alone to receive brothers, so it is the same ministers who receive to obedience those who are to be received. 101Because if they alone should receive those coming to the Religion, it is left to them alone to receive the vows of profession because it is more serious to receive brothers to obedience than to probation.
107And since nothing is more perfect than the evangelical life and rule of Christ, he states, for all who promise it, that on no account shall it be lawful for them after the promise to leave this Order,
110Those who have already promised obedience may have one tunic with a hood and another, if they wish, without a hood.
111Since the evangelical rule and life allows for a habit and an inner tunic for those wanting to have it, namely, a habit and an inner tunic in place of a cloak; this corresponds to the practice of the holy fathers, who with a small hood covered the head, the body with sackcloth or a sleeveless tunic and a belt [belt ?] and the feet with sandals, conforming themselves to the habit of Christ and the Apostles;
113Because Christ by the Holy Spirit taught the Apostles and fathers all truth necessary for salvation and gave them the manner and form for living perfectly, blessed Francis, filled with the same Spirit, conforms himself in habit and spiritual perfection to Christ and the fathers, and he says in his Testament that the first brothers ‘were content with one tunic, patched inside and out’.
And those who came to receive this life, sold and gave to the poor all they could have and were content with one tunic, patched inside and out, with a cord and short trousers. We desired nothing more.
115They used a poor and short mantle of sackcloth or of other poor cloth but, after the departure of Saint Francis from this life, Brother Elias forbade that it be carried outside; this was when he inflicted by papal authority a rather severe persecution on Brother Bernard Quintavalle, Brother Caeser, Brother Simon of Comitissa and their companions who were content with one small tunic as a habit and in other matters kept to the intention and ways of the Founder.
117Francis gave witness to the will of God as he had learnt and accepted it from Christ; he exhorted and encouraged all the brothers, by his preaching and by the example of his actions, to love and observe it, namely, that no brother should have any clothing other than what the Rule allows, together with a cord, underwear, and shoes in a time of clear necessity and sickness. 118And as Brother Leo writes and as others of the Saint’s companions who lived on for many years after his transitus from this life testified, he taught his brothers that in the desert of this world they should have no clothing other than what is despised and poor.
120To Brother Riccerio, Brother Masseo, the minister wanting his permission to keep the books he had, and to the novice asking for his consent to have a psalter for spiritual comfort, he replied with much animation of spirit, in accord with what he had received from God, that ‘as the Rule says, whoever wants to be a Lesser Brother and observe the Gospel he has promised purely must have nothing but the tunic, a cord, and short trousers and shoes’ in clear sickness.
124Brother John of Celano says of blessed Francis: ‘He expressed horror at those who wore three layers of clothing and those who without necessity used soft clothes in the Order’, for he stated that to warm the body with three layers of soft clothing is a sign that the spirit in the soul is dead.
Once when he was asked how he could protect himself against the bite of the winter’s frost with such poor and thin clothing, he answered with a burning spirit: ‘If we were touched within by the flame of devotion for our heavenly home, we could easily endure that exterior cold’.
126Covered with one poor tunic he served the Lord in cold and nakedness.
127If he felt the softness of a tunic that had been given to him, he used to sew pieces of cord on the inside because he used to say, according to the word of Truth itself, that we should look for soft clothes not in the huts of the poor but in the palaces of princes.
128It is clear enough from his life and from his writings in the Rule and Testament that it is the intention of the Rule and evangelical model to have a habit and one tunic made of poor cloth and not more. 129However, to have more is for sickness or regular dispensation, made by the authority of a papal condescension, that he commits to the ministers and custodians alone for the care of providing for the brothers in the matter of clothes according to places, seasons and cold climates.
130Saint Jerome writes about this manner of condescension in Ad Hebidiam:
What if the cold of Scythia and the snows of the Alps come, cold that is not kept out by two or three tunics and hardly even by the skins of cattle? 131Therefore, whatever is sufficient for the body and supports human weakness, this is to be called one tunic, and whatever in the present circumstance is necessary for food, this is called the food for one day.
132And Rabbanus says the same thing Ad Matthaeum:
It seems to me that two tunics indicate a double clothing; not that in places of Scythia and places frozen with icy snow a person should be content with one tunic, but that by tunic we understand clothing, that is, another garment, we keep for ourselves from fear of the future.
133But be careful as you read of various opinions on perfection. The saints out of condescension say some things suitable to the sick and to beginners, a condescension that goes with the perfection human weakness can attain when exercised faithfully; sometimes they say more difficult things to the proficient, to those who act manfully against themselves and who fight the evils of the demons. 134What is heavy and intolerable to the sick and to beginners, is light and slight to the saints in that they always aspire to higher things. 135Some things are said and handed on about the most perfect people, as about the Apostles and other disciples of Christ, great martyrs, anchorites and the perfect, holy founders of Orders, who filled with the Holy Spirit did supernatural works possible to no one by nature; in the perfection they had attained they were as nothing in their own eyes, because understanding themselves perfectly and weeping in the prison of their dwelling, they desired to be dissolved and to be with Christ.
136However, lesser people who look on them and try to rise with holy desires to their perfection, in so far as they understand how distant they are from their divine and heavenly way of life, are more deeply humiliated and think poorly of themselves. 137Some of the most perfect saints, having a foretaste of impassibility from the weaknesses of soul and body, and given by divine power as an example to those wanting to follow Christ, have proven in an undeniable way, by signs, virtues and gifts received from the Holy Spirit, that Christian perfection does not come from human strength either for the faithful or for unbelievers. 138The Rules of the saints, Rules accepted and approved by the Church, lead beginners to perfection is such a way that they strengthen, inform, lead and commend to the proficient the completion of all supernatural perfection.
139Although Saint Basil in his Rule teaches that his brothers who wish to live in a Gospel way should be content with only one tunic, with water for drink, with bread and suitable poor foods for nourishment, and these gained by the work of their hands. While staying outside the world in a solitary place with his brothers and being already attentive only to God, he said, nevertheless, about himself in Ad Gregorium Nazazenum:
140Before you may learn something, as you have asked, about the way and manner of life, it was necessary for you to think this out well for your soul, namely, that from all the things that are here none is to be regarded as the happiness set aside for us in the promises. 141But I indeed, by the end of a night and day, am confused to write about what I do. 142For leaving behind the delays and duties in the city, as occasions of innumerable evils, I have not yet been able to leave myself.
143He adds many other statements of his own humility and abasement that would be long to write here. 144In fact, he did what he taught others to do, and the greater the things he did, the more he knew himself to be far away from that highest perfection to which he aspired.
145In a letter Ad Anphilochium he writes that he received from and was taught by a certain bishop, a doctor in divine matters and an enlightener of souls, what pertains to the teaching and form of the perfection of evangelical life.
147Saint Maximus, a monk in fact and name, in a book on certain questions on the Old and New Testaments, replying to the holy priest Thalasius, states that the text of the Gospel of Saint John: The soldiers therefore, when they had crucified him, took his garments, and they made four parts, to every soldier a part and also his coat. Now the coat was without seam etc., proves that Christ had only one tunic and a cloak called an ‘imation’, in plural clothes, and the text says that the cloak was divided into four parts.
150In clear necessity and bodily weakness, although needing a dispensation according to the rule of charity and piety, nevertheless, holy men, even when weak and sick in body, by reason of obedience, patience, humility and a fervent desire for perfect works to which they always aspire, are not deprived of the merit and reward of perfection.
151Saint Francis from the beginning of his conversion wanted, naked, to serve Christ in some desert place, but he received a reply from the Lord that he was called and sent ‘not to live for himself alone’ but that by action and preaching he might give examples of holiness and penance to others.
153Saint Symeon Metafrastes writes about Saint Gregory Thaumaturgus, Archbishop of Neocesarea, an apostolic man in his life, wisdom and miracles, that, afire from childhood with zeal for the imitation of the life and poverty of Christ, and even after his consecration as an archbishop, went covered with only a tunic and a poor and cheap cloak even in the northern regions of Pontus. 154And that in his own archiepiscopate he refused to have a cell as a place of rest for the body or a grave at the end, so that in all things, as far as possible for him, he might be conformed to his Lord and master, who did not have a place to rest his head, but suffered outside the gate, so that those who imitate him might know they do not have here a lasting city, but with all their energy and fiery desires they seek for one that is to come, that is, a heavenly city.
155Let all the brothers wear poor clothes and they may mend them with pieces of sackcloth or other material with the blessing of God.
156Brother Bonaventure says: ‘In the matter of clothes, he had a horror of softness and loved coarseness, claiming that John the Baptist had been praised by the Lord for this’.
158For, by the testimony of Saint Jerome and the other saints who wrote the Vitae of the holy Fathers, that great Anthony and the two Macarii, Pambo, Isidorus Pilusiotes, Amonius, Isidorus Scithyotis, Mutius, Elenus and all those first fathers, divine men and earthly angels, normally used poor, old and rough clothing, patched from many pieces.
162In our own regions, Fulgentius, distinguished in wisdom and holiness of life as a doctor and preacher of the kingdom of God, wore only one most poor tunic in both winter and summer, he walked barefoot, at times agreeing to wear sandals within the monastery.
164In times of clear necessity, he allowed shoes that Christ forbade the disciples to wear, and he did this lest in this case by the spirit of the fervent brothers, excessively zealous for the pure observance of the Rule, the Rule might be restricted more than was right.
169Even though, for example, Saint Francis was almost always sick he went barefoot and wore only an old and poor tunic patched with sackcloth until his death so as to show by deeds what he taught. 170He wished that the brothers everywhere use such cloth that by its value and colour was regarded commonly as poor and contemptible by the people of the region in which the brothers lived and from whom they begged food. 171Nor are they to be ashamed to patch the clothes with sackcloth and other material, because, filled with the Holy Spirit, the fathers with old and patched sackcloth covered their limbs so that they might conform themselves to the poverty and humility of Christ, his Precursor and the great saints who wandered about in sheepskins, in goatskins, being in want, distressed, afflicted, of whom the world was not worthy.
172Our Redeemer took on the likeness of sinful flesh to wipe out the works of sin by the reality of his holiness and mortality and, as one clothed with an old garment, so that the white stole of his newness might clothe those who despise and humiliate his servants, and might teach them that what the world regards as precious, poor and contemptible, and what are regarded highly and are exalted by men are weak and abominable to God.
174Likewise, blessed Francis saw beforehand how in later days they would say it is not only lawful and useful for the brothers to leave aside the lowly state of poverty, signs of contempt and humility in ways of acting and in habit under the excuse of honesty, uniformity and a higher state of the Religion, but they would preach it is right to hinder and block such things in others. 175Frequently and in many ways he was assured by the Lord about the things that would happen after him in the Religion, but on one of these days, while he was praying in Saint Mary of the Angels, an angel of the Lord appeared to him in a wonderful form and appearance.
178The one watching was amazed.
179The angel said to him: Why are you astonished and amazed? The form that you see in me represents the beginning, development and end that your Religion will experience until the time of its birth and the reformation of the life of Christ and of the ecclesiastical state. 180You, with all your companions who are filled with the love of God, who carry Christ and his death in body and heart, who pray unceasingly day and night for the salvation of yourself and of all, weeping over your sins and the sins of others and wanting to have nothing under heaven for love of him: you are the head of gold.
181Those who will come after you, setting aside prayer, will concern themselves with knowledge that puffs up, the study of the written word, the building up of a large number of books, will set aside a love and zeal for poverty, all under the pretext of the salvation of souls and the edification of others.
183And because they will speak much and do little, they will begin to trample on the firmness of humility and their basic nature, namely, the reality of poverty, and by taking on instead cares, worries and distractions they will change silver into iron.
184They will not be concerned to return to the first goods of perfection, namely, devout prayer and the fervour of love, but will display exteriorly ways of acting that are religious, humble and of great holiness; however, interiorly they will foster relaxations and will long for praise and honour, not being better and holier than all others but wanting to be thought of and appear as such. 185And so, doing much harm like incompetent traders, they will do their work and change the silver of eloquence and knowledge into a bronze and hypocritical image so as to win human praise and temporal gain.
186But because their pretence and hypocrisy will not remain hidden for a long time, they will become worthless in the eyes of their admirers. 187When they realize this, they will become indignant and angry against those whom they tried to please and from impatience they will more carefully seek out occasions to persecute and afflict those who have ceased to show them reverence and approval; so they will change the noisy and reddish bronze into hard and rough iron.
188Changed into an iron-like nature, they will be ready and bold not only to excuse themselves of the injuries they have caused, but also to inflict harm on the innocent and to tolerate injuries they inflict on the timid, weak and impatient. 189And as you see the iron mixed with clay in my feet, so finally there will be brothers swift and hard as iron in inflicting harm on those who disagree with them, but weak and impatient as clay in endurance.
190In this way those who in the beginning were clothed with the most pure gold of the love of Christ, will be regarded as earthen vessels in the final days when the Religion founded by you will come to birth.
191This rough, poor and short sackcloth with which I cover my shoulders, and of which I seem to be ashamed, is the poorness and austerity of poverty that the brothers of the Lord promised to wear with pride and joy. 192But having abandoned the first love by which they were united to God when they held and observed the lowliness of humility and poverty in all things and experienced the pledge of heavenly honour and the assurance of eternal glory, 193they ran from bearing the demands and the want involved in poverty; they relaxed their spirit so as to find and possess pleasures and abundance of goods; they did not fear to introduce, for the good standing of the Order, vast excesses in clothing and in all their actions because, overcome by human shame and tepidity of spirit, they felt they were being dishonoured by the cheapness and meanness of their goods and habit. 194And because they rejoiced vainly among people in the name and reputation of poverty, while in their actions and life style they were ashamed of it, persecuting and bitterly attacking it in themselves and in others, therefore, I show shame in wearing this sackcloth.
195One of the reasons why he says explicitly in the Rule that all the brothers are to wear poor clothes and they may mend them with pieces of sackcloth or other material with the blessing of God is so that the brothers who do not want to do this and forbid others to do it, would have no excuse in their own consciences nor before God.
198I admonish and exhort them not to look down upon or judge those whom they see dressed in soft and fine clothes and enjoying the choicest food and drink, but rather let everyone judge and look down upon himself.
199Since the Lesser Brothers are obliged by the instruction of the Rule, the life they have professed and the excellence of their vocation, to wear rough and contemptible clothing and to use cheap, common and poor food and drink, he exhorts and warns them that, from the humble condition of such a life and from regular rigidity and austerity, they are to turn towards the highest and necessary peak of the perfection of all the servants of God with their whole heart, their whole mind and their whole strength, that is, so that everyone judge and look down upon himself.
200The Abbot of the mountain of Nitria gave this reply to Theophilus when asked by Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria: ‘What more have you found about this way? He answered, nothing better than to blame and censure myself unceasingly. 201And the bishop said to him: No way is to be followed other than this’.
202And Abbot Pastor said: ‘This is the only justice for a man, for a servant of God should censure and despise himself, and then he is just when he condemns his faults. 203He says, do not want to judge and you shall not be judged’ etc.
207Those freely chosen and called by the poor and humble Lord and master should reflect unceasingly on learning poverty and humility, on loving and holding on to the highest perfection and to the heavenly and divine dignity, and on how much they are obliged, because of the gift accepted, to increase always in hatred of the root of all evil, namely, avarice and to abhor and abominate pride, the enemy of God and contrary to His name.
212The poor in spirit are truly humble, genuinely less than all and, even against their own name, they practice perfectly the reality of humility, so that, if they are hurt or injured, in love and with a purified heart and controlled mind, they are the first not to oppose the ones offending and inflicting injury on them.
213For I said, now have I begun to base myself on the firmness of humility, this is the change of the right hand of the Most High, by which one moves from the left to the right,
CHAPTER III
THE DIVINE OFFICE, FASTING AND HOW THE BROTHERS SHOULD GO ABOUT IN THE WORLD
3, 1Let the clerical [brothers] recite the Divine Office, etc.
2After giving, in the first chapter, the teaching and definition of the substance of the life and Rule of the Lesser Bothers and their obedience to the Church, the Roman Pontiff, to Francis and his successors and, in the second chapter, having stated and fixed the manner for receiving brothers into the same evangelical life, Rule and habit of humility, he now, in the third chapter, gives directions briefly but fully on works, especially works of holiness. 3And firstly he gives information on divine worship and reverence.
4On this it was written as follows in the Earlier Rule:
The Lord says in the Gospel: This kind of devil cannot come out except through fasting and prayer; 5and again: When you fast do not become gloomy like the hypocrites.
8For this reason let all the brothers, whether clerical or lay, recite the Divine Office, the praises and prayers, as is required of them. 9Let the clerical brothers recite the Divine Office and say it for the living and the dead according to the custom of clerics of the Roman Church. 10Every day let them say Have mercy on me, O God with the Our Father for the failings and negligence of the brothers;
15Let the lay brothers say the Creed and twenty-four Our Fathers for Matins; for Lauds, let them say five; for Prime, the Creed and seven Our Fathers with the Glory be to the Father; 16for each of the hours, Terce, Sext and None, seven; for Vespers, twelve; for Compline, the Creed and seven Our Fathers with the Glory be to the Father. 17For the deceased, seven Our Fathers with the Eternal rest.
19Similarly, let all the brothers fast from the feast of All Saints until the Nativity, 20and from the Epiphany, when our Lord Jesus Christ began to fast, until Easter. 21However, at other times, according to this life, let them not be bound to fast except on Fridays. 22In accordance with the Gospel, it may be lawful for them to eat of all the food that is placed before them.
23This was written in the Earlier Rule on fasting and divine worship. 24This divine worship in every Religion should have the utmost importance since everything should be ordered towards it and for it and it should be done by servants of God because everything depends on divine worship as its final most perfect end. 25For the Father seeks such, Christ said to the Samaritan woman, who adore him. 26For God is a spirit and those who adore him, must adore him in spirit and in truth.
28Our mind united to the mind of Christ offers continually to the Father in the Holy Spirit a sacrifice of praise, confession and honour with heart, mouth and actions grateful to God. 29For without Christ dwelling within us it is impossible for any person whatsoever to be correct in thoughts and affectionate desires, to possess holiness and the inseparable unity necessary for salvation towards God, oneself, and one’s neighbour. 30But those who do not have Christ genuinely remaining within them will not experience the love of enemies, unshakeable peace in troubles and injuries and joy of spirit.
31Each Order and Regular Institute is begun and founded through the Spirit of Christ, first of all for divine worship and for the unbreakable bond of obedient and submissive love; hence, the natural law, the writings and grace of Christ and the Gospel teach, preach and command divine worship with the perfect love of God and neighbour. 32In the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall stand, the word placed in, given and inspired in us by God; they are to keep it in mind, without forgetting, in spite of and in everything, to hold it strongly and irresistibly, prudently and wisely understand it, and sincerely, strongly and with perseverance love, praise, glorify and adore it.
33The divine praises, especially the canonical Hours, were set up by apostolic man for praising and worshipping God; they continue in the mind and affections the perpetual sacrifice and sacred offering of the pleasing odour and incense to the Lord in an odour of sweetness.
37He says: for which reason they may have breviaries.
41In the time of Saint Francis, up to five thousand brothers came together in Assisi for a general chapter. They placed the breviaries they were using in a chest or wooden container and no one took back the breviary he had put here but took the first one he touched, each rejoicing particularly when it was inferior and poorer and so more in conformity with the promised poverty.
42They understood, taught by the Spirit of Christ and by Francis, the lover of poverty, how wonderful is the dignity and how high an eminence it would be to leave completely all things for Christ and for the observance of the Gospel, to move one’s affection away from the love of all visible objects, 43always to thirst for, to desire more strongly and love more ardently with all one’s strength only what endures and is eternal, to long with flaming desires and to be joined and cling to God alone out of perfect love. 44Christ says this is eternal life, that by the freely given infused wisdom of love they may know you, the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom you have sent.
48Because he was certain from a sure revelation that the brothers would increase in number throughout the whole world and the Roman Psalter was in use only in the areas of Rome, he excepted the Psalter, so that in the Psalms they might be in conformity with other churches and use the version with which the Greeks and Latins are in agreement and sing in the churches.
49The lay [brothers], however, may say twenty-four Our Fathers for Matins, and five for Lauds; seven for each of the Hours of Prime, Terce, Sext, and None, twelve for Vespers, and seven for Compline. Let them pray for the dead.
50As the great John Climacus teaches in his book entitled Scala, chapter twenty-six, in which he treats of ‘the discernment of thought, of vices and virtues’:
For all beginning to serve God, the alphabet contains twenty-four elements. 51They are obedience, fasting, hair shirt, ashes, tears, confession, silence, humility, vigils, courage; enduring cold cheerfully, nakedness, hunger, thirst, work, sorrow, weakness and misfortune; contempt, contrition, not repaying evil for evil but forgetting malice, love of the brotherhood, meekness, simple and firm faith without a curiosity in questioning, putting aside the cares of the age, of worldly worry and care of the flesh, hatred without hatred of one’s family, one’s own region and treasured places, not to be attached in a wrong way to oneself, to companions, or to anything else, simplicity with innocence, mortification of the will, spontaneous contempt of oneself.
52But the law and alphabet for perfect spirits and bodies in the flesh is an indomitable heart, perfect love, a fount of humility, journey of the mind to God, coming to and putting on Jesus Christ, unfailing in light and prayer, a transcending superabundance of illumination of God, desire and longing for death, hatred of life, flight of the body, a disturber of and intercessor for the world, contending with God, a fellow minister with angels, an abyss of knowledge, a home for mysteries, in control and king of the body and mind, a protector of nature, a pilgrim from sin, master of impassibility, an imitator of the Lord with the help of the Lord.
53For, old age among religious applies to love and the perfection of the perfect, just as youth and strength apply to progress in virtues among clerics, the trust of hope applies to the proficient and those fighting on, and youth, by a certain appropriation, is said to apply to the state and firmness of faith in seculars, married people or beginners.
54These twenty-four spiritual elements of beginners and proficient are regularly imposed on the lay [brothers] in the twenty-four Our Fathers for the main Hour. They have a harmony, as in certain typical arrangements sung in praise of the Lamb seated on the throne with the twenty-four ancients carrying harps and golden vials full of odours in procession before the Lamb singing a new canticle of the perfect before him.
55These twenty-four Our Fathers can also signify the twenty-four sacred works of Christ to which all other works are reduced.
56Namely, to predestination, А, alpha;
prefiguring, В, life, beta;
prophecy, Г, gamma;
57promise, Δ, delta;
being offered in the Annunciation and in the consent of the Virgin, or the Incarnation, Ε, epsilon;
58birth and revelation of the one born, shown to the shepherds with the glory given by the angels, Ζ, zita;
circumcision, H, eta;
59appearance of the star to the kings in the East, their search, discovery, adoration, offering and the angel’s warning, Θ, theta;
60offering in the temple and the meeting with holy Simeon, his taking of the boy Jesus, the canticle, blessing, prophecy, confession and the words of Anna, the prophetess, I, iota;
61flight into Egypt, the stay there and return, the angel’s warning to Joseph and the home in Nazareth, K, kappa;
62absence from his parents in Jerusalem, search in sorrow, finding after three days in the midst of the doctors, wonder, words of the mother, reply, going down with them to Nazareth and the hidden way of life subject to his parents, Λ, lambda;
63baptism and the prayer at the baptism, sanctifying of the waters, opening of heaven, the voice and witness of the Father, descent of the Holy Spirit upon him and being led into the desert, M, mu;
64forty days of fasting, prayers, vigils, hunger, temptation, triple victory and ministry of angels, N, nu;
65preaching, choice of disciples, life and way of life, sacraments, miracles, commands, counsels, examples, Ξ, xi;
66passion, cross, death and burial for three days, O, omicron, small o;
67descent into hell, breaking of the gates of the underworld, freeing of the saints and leading them into limbo, Π, pi;
68resurrection and awakening of the witnesses of his resurrection, appearances for forty days, enlightenment and confirmation of the disciples, Ρ, rho;
69ascencion into heaven, his throne and sitting at right hand of the Father, Σ, sigma;
70sending of the Holy Spirit and gifts of charismata, Τ, tau;
71founding, expansion and government of the Church, Υ, upsilon;
72coming of antichrist, trouble, killing and stamping out of his kingdom and the final, heavenly state of the Church, Φ, phi;
73his coming to judge the world from the seat and glory of his majesty, in a flame of fire, with the angels of his power, Χ, chi;
74resurrection of the dead at the last trumpet, in the voice of his power, presence of all before his tribunal, discussion of merits, separation, cursing of the reprobate and the sentence of eternal damnation, Ψ, psi;
75blessing of the holy elect, their assumption and bodily quality, union, conformity, likeness, assimilation, glorification, ineffable and eternal beatitude, Ω, omega.
76And these are the elements, like twenty-four aspects of the eternal priesthood of Christ, for those who offer themselves to God in a priestly manner as a holocaust and as spiritual hosts given in mercy by the Father of mercies so that morning prayers may go up in an odour of sweetness before the throne of his grace.
77Five, however, for Lauds, so that with the senses of the body and soul sanctified by the power and experience of the five wounds of Christ and by the correcting of faith, patience, humility, trust, hope and his love, raised up by Christ and conformed to his death, made like the Master of humility, they may seek in hope for what is heavenly and share in the truth of love, namely, the Lamb who takes away the sins of the world, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, giving praise without end.
78For Vespers twelve and for the other Hours seven, so that they may strive to have the holiness of the works of virtue of Christ as represented in the number seven and, filled with the fruits of the Spirit represented in the number twelve, they may be transformed into Christ by the affections associated with crucifixion, and be enlightened by the splendour found in the face of his brightness.
79Let them pray for the dead.
83The masters mentioned above do not regard it as safe that the brothers have already four times shortened the Office and changed it, even though they may have asked for permission to do this from the Roman Curia.
86For when the brothers asked for this privilege from Pope Gregory who greatly loved the Order, he tried with pious exhortations for the edification of them and of others to persuade them to keep the Office of the Church intact, saying to them: 87Brothers, if you want to recite the Office of the Church in its entirety, I will command all religious who are in the Church, with the exception of Canons Regular and the monks of Saint Benedict, to use your Office. 88The brothers did not want to consent to this, but with unsuitable requests they asked for the privilege of omitting the Intercession of the Saints in Matins and Vespers, both on feast and ferial days, Have mercy on me, O God in Matins on ferial days and the Gradual Canticle in the Advent of the Lord and to shorten the Litanies.
90I was present when the Lesser Brothers, when speaking about this before some eminent people and one older Cardinal who was in the Curia, affirmed that the Roman Church had accepted their directory.
93Let them fast from the feast of All Saints until the Lord’s Nativity, etc.
94Since those who live religiously should show their bodies as living, holy hosts pleasing to God, so, secondarily, he commands the cult of divine service by works of penance with a close connection to divine worship, namely by devout and reasonable fasting, especially in those times when solemn celebrations were held by the Fathers and apostolic men, for the reverence and pious memory of the incarnation, birth, lent, passion and resurrection of Christ.
98At other times they may not be bound to fast except on Fridays, that is, because of a precept and authority.
101Often, the consciences of the fervent are found to keep watch with a needless spirit and excessively rigid keeping of commands and, while they fight strongly against themselves with evangelical hate, from indiscretion and excessive austerity they are afraid to make use of what is given piously and justly for their need. 102Therefore, he says: during a time of obvious need, however, the brothers may not be bound by corporal fast.
104After the death of Saint Francis, there were some brothers who thought they were not bound to fast during ember days and on other fast days laid down by the Church,
107The Four Masters and Brother Haymo, then General, declared and laid it down that without any doubt all the brothers in so far as they are bound by vow to be more perfect than other Christians, so much the more are they bound to observe unconditionally all the fasts the Church has commanded to be observed by all Christians without distinction.
109I counsel, etc.
110Thirdly, he teaches modest, meek, humble and gentle speech and a spotless and virtuous life without which every word of the preachers is insipid and all their knowledge, no matter how singular and great, is obscure and offensive. 111For, preaching the Word of God and caring for the salvation of souls, the main reason why the brothers should go about in the world, require in those who proclaim it the highest perfections and the holiest of lives with divine knowledge, since this is the most basic work of piety and mercy.
114Meek, not resisting assaults, but by mildness of customs, words and affections they show the innocence of Christian piety so that they draw the wicked, as much as they can, to Christ, the master of uprightness.
120They should not ride horseback unless they are compelled by an obvious need or an infirmity.
121He commands this from the example of our Lord Jesus Christ and his Apostles who, being wearied with his journey sat thus on the well and who went about the villages and towns preaching the gospel of the kingdom, sent his disciples without shoes, without money, two coats, purse and staff saying
125For the amazement, example and instruction of believers, and a just judgment and condemnation on non believers, he sat fastened to the cross by a nail, that he might draw all things to himself and with a strong cry on the cross in death, he completes the work of his infinite love, of the Father and the Holy Spirit, and leaves it as an example containing all good things of grace and glory that are accessible and inaccessible.
126Since those who profess evangelical perfection are bound to be like Christ in his life and customs, so not every but only obvious need and sickness, when such are just, useful, edifying, in urgent necessity and evident and clear sickness, are cases in which they are allowed to ride horseback in poverty and humility, and not with human pomp and abundance of possessions.
127Into whatever house they enter, let them first say: ‘Peace be to this house!’
128He adapted himself in everything to the form of evangelical life, for he says this in his Testament: ‘The Lord revealed a greeting to me that we should say: “May the Lord give your peace”’.
130Christ is our peace who has made both one, the sharing of his peace surpasses all understanding and is the sure guard of hearts and holy understandings of the holy perfect; it is the supreme perfection of the beatitudes, it is to be loved with the whole heart and sought with all our strength and keen desires, conforming our will to the divine will in everything, and preaching and seeking his glory, praise, justice and kingdom in works and life,
132Let them eat of whatever food is set before them.
133So that, by encouragement and an example of sobriety and moderation, the evangelizers and messengers of this peace may draw their audience to Christ, the Lord and master of peace, he wants them to be content with what is put before them and to rejoice in what is small and poor.
134So Chrysostom in the last Homily in Super Matthaeum says:
Note how he gave everything to those who strip themselves of all things, allowing them to stay in the homes of those they taught and to enter their homes while having nothing. 135In this way, they were rescued from worry and they persuaded them that they had come only for their salvation, and this by having nothing and by expecting from them nothing more than necessities.
136And Jerome in the Epistola ad Titum says: ‘A bishop who wants to imitate the apostles, should be content with these, namely, having food and clothing’.
137To preachers of peace who look for nothing superfluous, carry nothing or wish for nothing, who cast their care upon the Lord and who seek first the kingdom of God, will have all these things added and offered to them freely by the faithful.
CHAPTER IV
LET THE BROTHERS NEVER RECEIVE MONEY
4, 1I strictly command all my brothers not to receive coins or money in any form either personally or through intermediaries.
2Whoever undertakes to be a disciple of Christ must have faith and confess justice and salvation with the firmness of the magnificent and praiseworthy humility of God, so that by a trust of deepest faith his way of life may be in heaven and he may savour, thirst for and seek only those things that are above where Christ is sitting at the right hand of God.
6In this fourth chapter, and in the fifth and sixth chapters, he lays down the way and form of a heavenly life, conformed to the cross, a way of life in heaven that savours and seeks only such things as are of Christ; he surrounds and protects it by obedience and a statute of the strongest command.
8When Christ crucified appeared to Francis, he taught him to follow and promise the nakedness of his cross and life, and he imposed this on his disciples, namely, not to own gold, silver, nor to carry money in a money-belt. Francis ordered the same under precept to those professing his Rule,
10Nothing so guides the steps to eternal life and opens up a bloodless path through the thorns of riches as does the love and observance of evangelical poverty. 11It cures the dropsy of greed, quenches the insatiable thirst of avarice, takes from the Master of truth a guarantee and a right to the kingdom of heaven and, by a trust of faith, has a dwelling in heaven with the angels. 12It is always present with Christ, the saint of saints and king of kings, as an inseparable companion, born with him while on a journey, lying in a manger, fasting in the desert, preaching and without a house spending the night in prayer to God;
15Because the kingdom of Christ and his evangelical poverty is not of this world, those who imitate Christ despise gold, silver and money, in which lovers of the world trust, since it will be difficult for those who trust in riches and money to enter the kingdom of heaven.
20Who is he other than an imitator of the poor Christ, a person who has totally removed avarice, a service of idols, by a love for and by a promise of evangelical poverty;
22Such a person was the innovator, Francis, made so by Christ’s gift of poverty and evangelical humility, and who, in the Rule, firmly forbade any use, ownership or receiving of coins and money as highly seductive and dangerous. 23For he knew by the Holy Spirit that, to true followers of the poverty of Christ, the ownership and accepting of money is an incitement and deceit of satanic evil, an incurable poison and complete wiping out of trust, hope and the life of charity. 24For they that will become rich and gather treasures of gold, silver and money fall into temptation and into the snare of the devil and into many unprofitable and hurtful desires, which drown men into destruction and perdition.
25Certainly, Achan, seduced by gold and a precious garment took what was under a ban and for this reason was stoned by all the people as a violator of a divine command and a cause of ruin to the army of the Lord.
28Simon wanted to buy with money from the prince of the apostles the gift of the Holy Spirit, for which reason he was cut off from grace and the gifts of the Spirit, not only as one who spreads the heresy of simony, but, filled with the gall of bitterness and iniquity, he handed himself over totally and most wickedly to the service of the prince of darkness.
29But the leaders and sacred models of the perfect saints, namely, Elijah the prophet whose word burnt as a torch, and John, the precursor of the Lord, a burning and shining light, were workers and forerunners in their works and words; they teach, give witness and, as two candlesticks and witnesses and two Cherubim, proclaim the most divine and perfect evangelical life of Christ.
33For Christ is the faithful and true witness, the beginning and end of nature, law, grace and glory, to whom Moses, Elijah and John the Precursor give witness, so that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall stand, because the kingdom of Christ is not of this world.
36The sun of evangelical life, the Rule and teaching, with an unbreakable firmness of its precepts, makes those who profess and observe it to be crucified with Christ and totally dead to the world; it indicates those corrupted by Jewish unfaithfulness and impiety, recognized opponents of truth, abusive of grace, who assume it fictitously and hypocritically and under the habit and profession of holiness, while living according to their own desires and wills and not for Christ, are made opponents of the vow and can glory only in the name of the foolish virgins.
37However, so that the greed and hypocritical evil of the world, proven by the testimony of truth to be bound and beholden to a sevenfold woe, might not affect and corrupt those who profess the evangelical rule, Christ, the master of poverty and truth, revealed to Francis, the innovator of his life, to command strictly all the brothers not to receive coins or money in any form, either personally or through intermediaries,
42So Christ wished that he would command by a triple precept from the Rule not to receive coins or money in any form, either personally or through intermediaries, so that they might have no excuse whatever in their own consciences nor before God for a equivocation of the vow nor for persecution of those wanting to observe the command in a regular way.
44Hence, in the Rule granted and approved for him by Pope Innocent, who announced to all in the Lateran Council that he had himself approved and granted it to the Saint and his brothers, was written
45The Lord teaches in the Gospel: Watch, beware of all malice and greed. 46And: Guard yourselves against the anxieties of this world and the cares of this life.
47Let none of the brothers, therefore, wherever he may be or go, carry, receive, or get in any way coin or money, whether for clothing, books, or payment for some work – indeed not for any reason, because we should not think of coin or money as having any greater usefulness than stones. 48The devil wants to blind those who desire or consider it better than stones. 49May we who have left all things, then, be careful of not losing the kingdom of heaven for so little.
50If we find coins anywhere, let us pay no more attention to them than to the dust that we trample underfoot, for vanity of vanities and all is vanity.
52Let the brothers in no way receive, arrange to receive, seek, or plan to seek money for leper colonies or coins for any house or place; and let them not accompany anyone begging money or coins for such places. 53However, the brothers can perform for those places other services not contrary to our life with the blessing of God. 54Nevertheless, the brothers can beg alms for a manifest need of the lepers. 55But let them beware of money. 56Similarly, let all the brothers be careful of going throughout the world for filthy gain.
57He strictly commands the brothers that they cannot receive coins or money in any form, either personally or through intermediaries; he did not want his brothers to receive or obtain anything for the purpose of selling, laying up treasure, storing in granaries or store rooms for grain, wine and such things.
61Those who have promised to live for Christ in the evangelical observance of the life and rule of Christ, receive and obtain everything used for divine worship as well as necessary food and clothing, from obedience, from the command of Christ himself and from his Gospel. This is true obedience to Christ, his Gospel, grace, the working and fulfilling of charity, and a heavenly way of life in accord with the book of heavenly law, for those who are not of this world. It is a decree, a rule of peace and of the truth of piety, divinely given out of great love and kindness by the Father of mercies through Christ and the Paraclete.
63Nevertheless, the ministers and custodians alone may take special care through their spiritual friends to provide for the needs of the sick and the clothing of the others according to places, seasons and cold climates, as they judge necessary, saving always that, as stated above, they do not receive coins or money.
64He mentions only these two necessities as being more in accord with piety for which he directs the ministers and custodians, like pious fathers for their children, to take special care through spiritual friends, but in such a way that they do not receive money.
67Hence, ministers, custodians and guardians, who in the Rule are understood and included under this name just as in it ministers are included under the name custodian, are bound to provide personally and by other brothers, through spiritual and devout persons, carefully and from the command of the Rule with full observance of that precept, but for these pious needs they are not to receive coins or money either personally or through intermediaries. 68Christ imposed this on Francis, so that by such regular observance they might show to the world that they desire nothing worldly and want nothing earthly on earth other than to seek and love the things that are above for themselves and for others not in pretence but in truth.
70He used to say that ‘to God’s servants money is nothing but a snare of the devil and a poisonous snake’.
75Saint Ambrose, commenting on the text of the Gospel: Take nothing for your journey, says:
If we are forbidden to own gold and carry anything, the Apostle Peter, the first to carry out the command of the Lord, shows that the commands given by the Lord are not in vain. When a poor man asked him to give him something he said to him: silver and gold I have none.
77And Augustine: ‘In excusing almsgiving and the profession of poverty, he says to the paralytic: get up and walk, so observing the precept of the Master who said: Do not possess gold or silver’.
78So the Apostle Thomas said to the king offering him valuable clothing: ‘Do you not know that those who desire to have power in heaven, carry nothing carnal nor earthly?’
79And John the Evangelist said to the two disciples who turned back: Our Lord fixed the struggle of souls in this, namely, that they may believe they will have eternal riches who do not want to have temporal as their name.
80And then, when King Abagarus ordered that gold and silver be given to the Apostle Thaddeus, he refused saying: ‘We who have left what belongs to us, how can we receive what belongs to others?’
81Saint Bartholomew, the Apostle, said to King Polimius who had laden camels with gold, silver and precious stones to give to the Apostle: ‘Why have you looked for me everyday with gold, silver and precious stones? These gifts are accepted by those who need what is earthly, but I desire nothing earthly, nothing carnal’.
82Those who genuinely seek what is heavenly, despise what is earthly. 83Athanasius writes of Saint Anthony that, when he found a large treasure and true gold, he fled from the place where he found the treasure as he would from the face of a dragon.
88In this way Saint Francis, taught by Christ, clung to the footprints of the perfect saints and, living in an apostolic way, vowed and observed evangelical poverty and commanded his brothers to vow and observe it. 89And then he foresaw that his way of life would be corrupted by a deadly poison and leprosy when, inflamed by the greed of avarice and having relaxed the guidance of regular obedience, it would be turned to receiving money and coins in diverse and cunning ways.
90Saint Macarius, denouncing his disciple John who was prophesying, said: John, I know that you have to be tempted by the devil, so that, under the guise of piety and discretion, you might draw back from the perfection of the poverty you promised; if you consent to this, you will incur an incurable leprosy called elephantiasis and so you will die. 91But if you persevere to the end in the nakedness of poverty, you will have health of body and soul. 92After the death of the master, he opened his hand to receive and, according to the word of the Saint, was struck by leprosy until the last day of his life and was an example to the other monks.
94For, already many years ago, blessed Francis, appearing in a wonderful way to the most holy man Brother James of Osimo, showed to his mind that this very thing had happened in the Order in the section of the Relaxed.
95Brother Leo writes: Saint Francis always encouraged by word and example and persuaded his brothers to a love for the highest poverty; he sharply condemned in them everything that deviated from its pure observance.
96Brother Francis often said these words to the brothers: ‘I have never been a thief, that is, in regard to alms, which are the inheritance of the poor. I always took less than I needed, so that other poor people would not be cheated of their share. To act otherwise would be theft’.
97He wanted all his brothers to be as joyful in what they lacked in poverty as in true pleasures, that they would try to rejoice in necessity and need, and that they would make every effort to decline from accepting or obtaining anything superfluous as if it were theft and robbery.
CHAPTER V
ON THE MANNER OF WORKING
5, 1Those brothers to whom the Lord has given the grace of working may work faithfully and devotedly so that, while avoiding idleness, the enemy of the soul, they do not extinguish the Spirit of holy prayer and devotion to which all temporal things must contribute.
2In this chapter of the Rule, Saint Francis is shown to have had fully the spirit, knowledge and teaching of the holy apostles and religious fathers. 3There were many sects in the Church, for example, the sects of the Euchites, Oratori, Circumcellions or Vagabonds, those who had their origin in Messeldio and Adelfio, and those calling themselves Angelici and Apostolici; 4these sects preached that the way to sanctity and justice is to abstain and remain aloof from works of piety and the exercise of virtues and to display leisure and rest for the body.
5Against such as these, the Doctor of the Gentiles and, after him, the doctors and holy fathers given by Christ to the Church wrote much, all of which blessed Francis included briefly in this chapter. 6For he says: Those brothers to whom the Lord has given the grace of working et cetera. 7When he says those brothers he leaves out no one for all have the grace, that is, the skill, ability and knowledge of working.
9He therefore instructed the brothers, the ministers as well as preachers, about work, telling them, because of the office of ministry or of their zeal for preaching, that they should not abandon holy and devout prayer, going for alms, and working with their hands like the other brothers, for the sake of good example and for the benefit of their souls as well as of others.
10‘He said: The brothers who are subject will be very edified when their ministers and preachers devote themselves freely to prayer, bow down, and humble themselves’ and they are fellow helpers in the work and labour of the other brothers as he says in his Testament:
11And I worked with my hands, and I still desire to work; and I earnestly desire all brothers to give themselves to honest work. Let those who do not know how to work learn, not from a desire to receive wages, but for example and to avoid idleness,
for to resist idleness is to acquire virtue.
12When, however, he says faithfully and devotedly, he is teaching the way to work that the angel gave to Saint Anthony when he was troubled with sloth.
16The idle person does not calculate the loss of time spent in idleness, bodily quiet, drowsiness, wanderings of the inner and exterior person but, busy with gossip, vain thoughts and tasks, brings on a hatred of profession, holy behaviour and regular instruction. 17Corrupted by his own stupidity, he challenges God in his heart, often turns his mind to examining the secrets and judgments of God and becomes faint-hearted; abandoning the pursuit of virtuous exercises, he attributes the cause of his damnation and negligence to predestination and the divine will. 18He blesses the wisdom, pleasures and honours of the world, and regards it as of no significance to depart in affection and action from the way of penance and divine service. 19So it is written: Idleness has taught much evil. In a servant, sloth conditions him or her to death and, when joined to idleness, loses and scatters all the riches of virtues.
20In The Earlier Rule, Saint Francis says about the manner of serving and working:
21None of the brothers may be treasurers or overseers in any of those places where they are staying to serve or work among others. They may not be in charge in the houses in which they serve nor accept any office which would cause scandal or be harmful to their souls; let them instead be the lesser ones and be subject to all in the same house.
29Let all the brothers always strive to exert themselves in doing good works, for it is written: ‘Always do something good that the devil may find you occupied’.
32In his Rule Saint Basil gives in fullest detail how necessary it is for the servants of God to work, to pray without ceasing day and night, to give thanks to God,
for Christ the Lord says: not just everyone is worthy of his food, but, as is important, a worker is worthy, as the Apostle preaches: to labour and work with our own hands that we may have something to give to him who has need.
39He quotes many authorities of the Old and New Testaments to show ‘how evil is idleness and how necessary is work’ for gaining holiness and justice. 40And how it is said in praise of the Church: She has not eaten her bread idle; ‘And how the Lord linked idleness with malice when he said: Malicious and slothful servant’.
41This is why we ought to fear lest when he who gave us the ability to work brings against us on the day of judgment the demand for work done in proportion to the ability given, namely, that, as is read in the Gospel, by him to whom much is committed, yet more will be demanded of him.
42In the heart we should praise God in psalms, hymns and spiritual canticles and in work we should satisfy prayer, giving thanks to him who gave both power to the hands for work and wisdom to the mind to understand knowledge, to him who gave what is needed for tools and what is needed for the skills, the things we select for work.
44Working in this way they drive out idleness, the enemy of the soul, so as not to extinguish the Spirit of prayer and devotion.
47St Jerome writes that Saint John, the Anchorite, on Sundays received only the Eucharist for spiritual food and to sustain his bodily life; for this Christ gave him a superabundant knowledge in word and knowledge, namely, a spirit of prophecy, a grace of healing and powers against the demons; while he did not need bodily food, he still worked with his hands making harnesses for beasts.
48The same thing is written about Paul of Thebes, who living in that vast solitude got his food and clothing from the fruits and leaves of the palm trees, but worked with his hands and offered this work annually to the Lord as a sacrifice in fire.
51In payment for their work they may receive whatever is necessary for the bodily support of themselves and their brothers, excepting coin or money.
52Since it is just and pious to obtain by work whatever is necessary for the body and for his brothers, he clearly places an interdict on the servants of God to prevent them obtaining whatever exceeds the measure of necessity. We read that Saint Francis and his companions frequently held back even what was necessary for their own support in order to give it to other poor people. They were glad to be bound to do this by the example of Christ and by the precept of charity itself.
53However, he forbade them to receive money or coin in payment for their work so as to be truly conformed to the disciples of Christ who were sent to preach the Gospel without money, gold or silver.
56The first brothers did their work with material belonging to others, or worked with poor and common material of almost no worth or value, like the holy fathers who made baskets, wicker containers, mats, fruit containers from rushes, twigs or the leaves of palm trees, because such materials are cheap, common and no one regards them as valuable.
58According to what Saint Basil teaches elegantly in his Rule, they worked in obedience to the command of the Lord and in conformity to the life of Christ, his Mother, his putative father, the disciples of our Lord and the holy fathers who all by keeping the commands of the Lord pleased God in diverse ways.
59They did works that are in harmony with their state and vocation and are free from all trading, extravagance, long lasting occupations or done for unseemly profit. 60Some work could be done while we remained under our own roof so that the work might be finished and calm be guarded.
61It is necessary to know this because whoever works should work not to meet their own advantage by the work but to fulfil the command of the Lord who said: I was hungry and you gave me to eat, and what follows.
62To be concerned for himself in everything and for everything is forbidden by the Lord who said: Do not be solicitous for your life, what shall you eat, nor for your body, what shall you put on, and added: All these things the heathens seek.
65No one should think that the Apostle is contrary to what we state when he says: Workers should eat their own bread.
69It behoves one who is hastening to perfection to work night and day so as to have something to give to one in need.
70He who presides over the brotherhood must not give them tools for trade or work to be used in whatever way they wish, for example, for them to sell, exchange, to give in any other way or acquire other things beyond what they have. 71He who once judged that he was not master even of his own hands, but allowed another to direct his work, how shall such a one act rightly by being master of his work or tools of trade and exercising the dignity of a master over them?
72He acts against the perfection promised who puts his trust in himself, in him who accepts the care of his needs, in his own work or that of a companion, thinking this is sufficient for his living. 73Because to the extent that one relies on another there is a danger of falling under the curse that states: Cursed be the man who puts his hope in man and affirms that flesh is his arm and whose heart departs from the Lord; this is forbidden in the text. 74Whoever puts his hope in a man, that is, to hope in him, and affirms that flesh is his arm, that is, to hope in oneself, both of which are called apostasy by the Lord who brings both to their end, 75because he shall be like tamarisk in the desert and shall not see when good shall come.
From Basil.
76Saint Augustine wrote in his book De opere Monachorum against certain monks who were given up to idleness, acted as vagabonds and in error covered their idleness and depravity with a wrong understanding of the words of Christ.
What do they do, they who do not work? I would like to know for what purpose they are idle. 79They answer, we are idle for prayers, reading and for the Word of God. 80Clearly such is a holy life, praiseworthy with the sweetness of Christ but, if we are not called away from these duties, then we can say it is not necessary to eat nor to prepare food daily. 81If, however, necessity forces us to eat at certain periods of time, because of weakness, why do we not set aside some spaces of time for observing the apostolic precepts? 82One prayer of an obedient person is heard more quickly than ten thousand from those who scorn obedience. 83Manual workers can easily also sing the divine canticles and be consoled in their work as by the divine director. 84Therefore, what prevents a servant of God who works with his hands from meditating on the law of the Lord and singing to the Lord, in such a way indeed that he set aside times for committing to memory what has to be said. 85To this end, those good works of the faithful should not be insufficient as a means for providing what is necessary, so that at the times when they are free to teach the mind and those bodily works cannot be done, they may not be oppressed with need. 86But those who say they apply themselves to reading, should they not find there what the Apostle ordered? 87Therefore, what is this perversity, namely, to be unwilling to submit to reading while wanting to have leisure for it and, while reading daily what is good, to be unwilling to do what is read?
88But if when a sermon has to be prepared and this takes such time that no time is left for manual work, would all in the monastery be able to do this, namely, expound the divine readings to the brothers or discuss in a wholesome way on some questions? 89Therefore, when all are not able to do this, why, on the basis of this pretext, do all want to be exempt from manual work? 90Although, if all were able, they ought to take turns, not only so that others will not be taken from necessary works, but also because it is sufficient for one to speak to many listeners?
91And he adds: ‘If they do not want nor are able to obey the words of the Apostle, at least they should acknowledge that those who are willing are better and those who able are more fortunate’.
93not only by not imitating the obedience of the saints who work quietly in the most wholesome discipline of the other monasteries and in accord with the apostolic norm of life, but they also insult those who are better, namely, those working, and they preach that laziness is an observance of the Gospel.
94Therefore, the Apostle Paul worked more for his livelihood than the other Apostles, and got his daily living from his work.
96Also, Saint Basil in his Rule advises: ‘Just as daily provisions and food are necessary for each person, so also it is necessary to work according to one’s ability’.
98Christ, during the life he spent in the flesh, gave a pattern and example to everyone who wants to live piously, so that when others see these qualities of his life, they might put on a similar figure and image, in no way deviating from the imitation of the archetype. 99Why has the Saviour given his own life as the rule for the perfect way of life for all who want to obey him? 100Listen to his clear teaching: If anyone minister to me, let him follow me.
101Having shown how the life and behaviour of Christ is a perfect and most divine model of innocence, long-suffering, kindness, honour, purity, courtesy, humility, prudence and discretion, in these and in many other aspects, he adds the following:
102An example is introduced by which one can see what are the qualities and quantities of a body. 103According to the first age, one is subject to parents and all work and bodily tiredness are borne calmly and in good obedience; there are indeed just and pious people who are poor and lack ability in what is necessary. 104A witness to this is the crib, the cradle of an honourable and precious birth. 105Fittingly, they talk about unceasing bodily works, as they search out for themselves a necessary need. 106However, as Scripture says, Jesus was subject to them, and from this he endured fully work and tiredness while showing subjection and good obedience.
114Therefore, it is good to imitate the life of the Lord, of his Apostles and disciples both by spiritual virtues and by bodily exercises, working to make the body ready for service by virtuous actions. 115The soul has to select the good things that are perfected with the cooperation of the body, and the body has to do what the soul selects. 116When the body is weakened for work, the ability to direct in the hidden choice of the will is imperfect, as when a shoot withers in distant parts of the earth without coming to be used by those for whom it grew.
117But someone says: The Lord undertook an extended fast without food, as did Moses and no less the prophet Elijah. 118But reflect on this because our Lord did this once only, as also did Moses and Elijah; at all other times they governed the body in a proper way, engaged it in work, always addressing work and tiredness, so that the virtues of the soul they declare with the cooperation of the body, making the active life a seal and perfection of spiritual behaviour. 119Moses did this, as did Elijah and also John who by a secret directive remained for a long time in the desert; after this dispensation had ceased he came to a region of the world where he preached and baptized, actions that are work, and where he undertook with confidence a struggle against Herod. 120Every list of saints and Jesus himself did this, so that it would be clear everywhere from the laws of nature, from the teaching of Sacred Scripture, from the actions of all the saints, from the behaviour of our Saviour, and the model of the lives of those who lived piously in Christ, that it is better and more fitting to be weak of body than to be remiss in work; it is better to show this by good actions than voluntarily to become idle.
121From Basil.
122When this is understood in a pious and Catholic manner, the multiple questions and hesitations commonly held and moved by many in this are removed, and the multiple diversity and dignity of work are stated, 123among which the first place is held by the work of the exercise of holy prayer and devotion from which and in which other things are to be regulated, and to which and because of which other works are reduced and become virtuous and meritorious.
CHAPTER VI
LET THE BROTHERS NOT MAKE ANYTHING THEIR OWN, BEGGING ALMS, THE SICK BROTHERS
6, 1Let the brothers not make anything their own, neither house, nor place, nor anything at all etc.
2In this sixth chapter of his Rule, Saint Francis, by the fundamental and radical perfection of the deepest evangelical poverty of the Order of Lesser Brothers and his own, destroys and radically tears out the root cause of all evils in those who profess and follow his way; in an abundant and comprehensive way he taught and spelt out a sincere display of mutual love in which consists the fullness of every observance of the divine law.
3There was already a sufficiently clear and open explanation of this in the Earlier Rule in which he says:
4The rule and life of these brothers is this, namely: ‘to live in obedience, in chastity, and without anything of their own,’ and to follow the teaching and footprints of our Lord Jesus Christ, who says:
9And in his Testament he says:
And after the Lord gave me some brothers, no one showed me what I had to do, but the Most High himself revealed to me that I should live according to the pattern of the Holy Gospel.
12Hence, the first and final intention of blessed Francis was that the brothers would have nothing of their own, neither personally nor in common.
14In the Earlier Rule is written:
Wherever the brothers may be, either in hermitages or other places, let them be careful not to make any place their own or contend with anyone for it.
16And:
Let all the brothers strive to follow the humility and poverty of our Lord Jesus Christ and let them remember that we should have nothing else in the whole world except, as the Apostle says: having food and clothing, we are content with these.
21When people revile them and refuse to give them alms, let them thank God for this because they will receive great honour before the tribunal of our Lord Jesus Christ for such insults.
24Let each one confidently make known his need to another that the other might discover what is needed and minister to him.
27Whenever a need arises, all the brothers, wherever they may be, are permitted to consume whatever food people can eat, as the Lord says of David who ate the loaves of offering that only the priests could lawfully eat.
30Similarly, in time of an obvious need, all the brothers may do as the Lord has given them the grace to satisfy their needs, because necessity has no law.
31When the brothers go through the world, let them take nothing for the journey, neither knapsack, nor purse, nor bread, nor money, nor walking stick.
32And:
Whatever house they enter, let them first say: Peace to this house.
36And in his Testament he says:
Let the brothers be careful not to receive in any way churches or poor dwellings or anything else built for them unless they are according to the holy poverty we have promised in the Rule. As pilgrims and strangers, let them always be guests there.
37I strictly command all the brothers through obedience, wherever they may be, not to dare to ask any letter from the Roman Curia, either personally or through an intermediary, whether for a church or another place or under the pretext of preaching or the persecution of their bodies. But wherever they have not been received, let them flee into another country to do penance with the blessing of God.
38As Brother Leo writes, Saint Francis wanted the brothers to avoid most carefully receiving or asking for anything that might exceed the limits of the poverty they had promised. 39So he says:
Brother Francis often said these words to the brothers: ‘I have never been a thief, that is, in regard to alms, which are the inheritance of the poor. I always took less than I needed, so that other poor people would not be cheated of their share. To act otherwise would be theft’.
40And he adds:
When the brother ministers urged him to allow the brothers to have something at least in common, so that such a great number would have some resources, Saint Francis called upon Christ in prayer and consulted him about this. 41Christ immediately responded that he would take away everything held individually or in common, saying that this is his family for whom he was always ready to provide, no matter how much it might grow, and he would always cherish it as long as it would put its hope in him.
42And he adds:
When blessed Francis was on a mountain with Brother Leo of Assisi and Brother Bonizo of Bologna to make the Rule, – because the first, which he had written at Christ’s instruction, was lost – a great many ministers gathered around Brother Elias, who was the vicar of blessed Francis.
45Brother Elias replied to them that he did not want to go because he feared the rebuke of Brother Francis. 46When they insisted that he go, he said that he refused to go without them; so they all went.
47When Brother Elias, with those ministers, was near the place where blessed Francis was staying, he called him. 48Blessed Francis responded and, seeing those ministers, he said: ‘What do these brothers want?’
50Then Brother Francis turned his face to heaven and spoke to Christ in this way: ‘Lord! Didn’t I tell you they wouldn’t believe you?’ 51The voice of Christ was then heard in the air, saying: ‘Francis, nothing of yours is in the Rule: whatever is there is all mine. And I want the Rule observed in this way: to the letter, to the letter, to the letter, and without a gloss, without a gloss, without a gloss.’
55And he added:
When blessed Francis was at the General Chapter called the Chapter of Mats, held at Saint Mary of the Portiuncula, there were five thousand brothers present. Many wise and learned brothers told the Lord Cardinal, who later became Pope Gregory, who was present at the Chapter,
61And he added:
Some of the brothers told blessed Francis: ‘Father, don’t you see that sometimes bishops do not permit us to preach, allowing us to remain idle in an area for many days before we can preach to the people?
66For my part, I want only this privilege from the Lord: not to have any privilege from any human being, except to be subject and to show reverence to all, and, by the obedience of the holy Rule, to convert everyone more by example than by word.’
67Saint Hilary, writing in Liber conciliorum, says:
Whoever has denied Christ as preached by the apostles is antichrist.
70And he adds:
I believe that those who by manual work provide for themselves and assemble together within secret dining rooms, and who wander through villages, castles, and almost all peoples by earth and sea contrary to the decrees of the senate and the edicts of the kings, did not have the keys of the kingdom of heaven, nor did clear strength reach out its help against human hatred, when the more Christ was preached, so much the more were they hindered from preaching.
73And further:
One thing I advise, namely, beware of antichrist, wrongly have you formed a love for walls, wrongly do we honour the Church of God under roofs and in buildings, wrongly do you invoke the name of peace beneath these; is it unlikely that antichrist is located in these? 74Safer for me are mountains, islands, lakes, prisons and caves. 75The prophets prophesied while living or hidden in these.
76Saint Francis fully wanted the Religion of the Lesser Brothers, vowing to possess nothing in accord with the example of Christ and the Apostles, to be freed and distant through complete dispossession, through having nothing that belongs to the world and from every right coming from privileges, so that freed and unencumbered by any impediment of what is visible and of any cares and concerns, it would follow Christ more humbly and perfectly and cling more closely to his way of life. 77He foresaw that by such privileges they would fall more quickly from the truth of evangelical poverty and the firmness of the most holy humility of Christ, they would be infected with the poison of avarice and would not fear to think highly of themselves in pride.
78Saint Francis used to say that every disciple should look on Christ and his cross, and, strengthened in spirit, run after him through the narrow gate and the straight way.
81The Son of God rests and lives in us, when, out of love for him, we hate all that the world loves, and when we exult and rejoice to be cast aside, reproached and despised for the name of him who became poor and needy for us and who, even though he was God, did not want to have in this world anywhere to lay his head.
83Christ commanded them both individually and together:
Let the brothers not make anything their own, neither house, nor place, nor anything at all. As pilgrims and strangers in this world, serving the Lord in poverty and humility, let them go seeking alms with confidence,
88It is most evident from what Saint Francis did and taught in his Rule, Testament and in his other Words, revealed to him by Christ and approved by the Church as his Rule, that his first and final intention and will, as stated in writing, was that his Religion should not own anything in common or individually.
91The common, apostolic and evangelical life that Christ wanted his apostles and disciples to observe, the life he had taught by his example, was to be guarded and imposed as a precept on those sent out to preach and it is based on the highest poverty that from its very foundation excludes any ownership by any individuals and by the whole community who profess it. 92Hence, if what is offered for their use and livelihood or acquired by the work of their hands, is taken from them, they, as people dead to the world and to all things belonging to the world, are neither to defend or demand a judgment in this.
93Saint Francis, taught by the Spirit of Christ, understood that the Son of God coming into the world and redeeming and reconciling us to the Father by his death, made all who believe in him one, so that as he is one with the Father, we, by virtue of his body and flesh that we eat, are one with one another and in him.
96Just as we have carried the image of the earthly father, so, as people descended from him, we are born children of wrath; we were separated from God and from one another, seeking what are ours and not what are of God.
103About this, Philo, the most learned of the Hebrews, as Eusebius testifies, wrote many things in praise of his people and of that common apostolic life, as Saint Isidore states in Liber canonum et conciliorum, and Pope Clement in his Quarta epistola says:
Clement, bishop, sends greetings to our most dear brothers and fellow disciples living in Jerusalem, with our most dear brother and fellow bishop, James.
110As you know well, none of them or of us says that anything is our own but all things are common to them and to us.
112Blessed Pope Clement says the same when he teaches that there was one, uniform community among the apostles of Christ and among other believers who promised and chose to observe the most perfect divine life of the Lord and Saviour. 113There was such community in the group that nothing was owned and no one said something was his own, rather it was like the community that existed in the state of innocence among all peoples and as it would have been between all peoples, were it not for the corruption and sickness of original and actual sin.
117Pope Damasus, in his Expositio secundae epistolae ad Corinthios, commenting on the verse: He has given to the poor, says about such an apostolic community and life:
118Here, he calls justice a generosity with temporal things or a recompense for distributing such goods.
121And in his Lettera ai Colossesi on the verse: Mortify your members which are upon the earth: fornication, uncleanness, lust, evil concupiscence, and covetousness, which is the service of idols, he says:
122because he serves the devil who takes the worship and the cult of the omnipotent God, things fitting for God alone, and also the singular name to be used only for God, and as far as he can gives them to the devil. 123He also serves the devil who wrongly usurps for his own use the common gifts of the omnipotent God, gifts given in common to all people. 124For this reason, avarice is compared to idolatry so as to show that there is nothing worse.
126And in his Lettera agli Ebrei on the verse: He has prepared for them a city, he says:
It is certain that the fathers were pilgrims in that they did not even have a place to bury their dead.
132And in his Ai Corinzi on the verse: As having nothing, yet possessing all things, he says: ‘The apostles were as having nothing, because they had neither homes, gold, silver, male nor female servants, and all these things they possessed in those who owned them’, people whom they converted to Christ.
136He says the same on the verse in the words of the Apostle: For the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ that he gave to us etc.:
137All the good things that have been given to the human race are a grace from God. 138Since, when he was rich, possessing everything with the Father according to his divinity, he became so poor for us and for all believers that he did not have even what the foxes have, so that through his poverty you might be rich in heaven.
141What Saint Francis laid down in this sixth chapter of his Rule concerning the evangelical life and poverty of Christ, blessed Basil writes in the Prologue of his Rule for religious living apostolically and evangelically in communities.
143For he says:
However, since many of those striving in communities stimulate one another, being unable to forget to spur one another on, to encourage their prudence with the addition of directions and encouragement that moves them in the spirit to do good, we have thought it right to give them a word of consolation.
150What is comparable to this way of life, what more blessed, what more attentive than this coming together and union, what more prompt and gracious than this assembly?
157As the Saviour in setting up the choir of disciples gave himself and all things to the apostles to be in common, just so do those who are obedient to the leader, who guard fully the rule of life of the apostles, imitate with care the way of life of the Lord. 158Such have striven to copy the life of the angels, that is, to contend with one another by zealously serving him. 159Among the angels there is no litigation, no contempt, no hesitation, but each one has what belongs to all and all keep intact among themselves all the goods. 160The riches of the angels are not something limited that should be divided by being distributed to many, but they are an immaterial possession, riches of mind and thought.
161For this reason the goods remain intact with each one so that all are equally rich with these and they work without hesitation and give their own possessions without quarrels. 162The treasure of the angels is the contemplation of supreme good, the clearest understanding of virtue, things for which it is lawful for all to see and for each to accept a full knowledge and possession. 163Such are those who act in accord with truth, are not embroiled in earthly matters but think on what is heavenly, and who by imperceptible arrangements hold these things intact as a treasure among all and each singly. 164For the possession of virtue and the riches of right orientation are a praiseworthy avarice, not a lamentable and insatiable theft; they earn a crown and whoever does not strive for this with violence, is guilty. 165For all such thieves and no other, Jesus our peace, rejoices divinely. 166These are they who steal the goods of the promised kingdom, showing their virtuous, holy life and sharing, their careful imitation of their way of life and constitution and that they have loved perfectly to possess nothing, having nothing of their own but holding all things with one another.
167The gain of such goods was given to us when the Saviour became man. Clearly, these have shown in the life of people their disrupted nature, broken into an infinite number of pieces, so that, as much as they could, they would lead it back again to itself and to God. 168For this is the primary intention of the Saviour in his flesh, namely, to bring back human nature to itself and to him, releasing it from its evil division and call it back to the former union, just as a perfect medical doctor with healing medicines restores a body cut into many parts.
169I have not reviewed these things for the sake of gaining honour and praising in words the virtue of those living in common, for my words do not have such force that they would attract more than flattery; on the contrary, I lament rather over the weakness of my report, but I will go on as much as possible and show the height and greatness of this life style. 170Where is there something equal that can be compared to this good?
171While there is only one father, many children have imitated the supreme Father, anxious among themselves to surpass the teacher with good intentions. 172They are in agreement with one another and graciously accept the father by virtuous actions, not defining the true cause of union, but relying on a word more strongly than on nature as the author and guard of union. 173What image of things on earth would they use to show the nature of virtue when there is nothing on earth able to do this? They have left this to him alone who is from above. 174The Father above is impassable without any defect and he uses a word to provide leadership in everything. 175The children from this Father above are without corruption. 176Not being corrupt has made them one. 177Charity joins what is above and charity has joined them to one another. 178Indeed, the devil himself was held back, not facing such a force and such great fighters so ready and uniformly united to fight against him and united among themselves with such charity and so underpinned in spirit that they give not even the smallest opening to these aggressors.
179Reflect with me on the shared struggle of the seven Maccabees and you will find in them a more fervent harmony.
183Gregory Nazianzus, in an exhortatory sermon sent to a certain prince, a man learned in all subjects, in answer to his questions, spoke as follows about what Saint Basil had written in this Rule and in his other treatises:
184Above all if you love eternal salvation and the wisdom descending from above then I say to you follow Basil, the holy religious head, with reverence and care, taking careful note of his words and most religious writings.
186From the words of these two doctors who professed and observed the evangelical perfection of Christ and the apostles and who, inspired by God, handed down to posterity in writing what they thought about it, anyone who wishes to study their words humbly will gain knowledge without error.
188Saint Ambrose says in Homilia X super Genesim:
Let us listen to what Christ, our Lord, commanded his priests and disciples, namely, everyone who does not renounce all that he possesses cannot be my disciple.
194The same saint on the text of Matthew: No one can serve two masters.
195For if divine providence unceasingly provides food for the birds of the sky that have no need for cultivation nor does one of them benefit from an abundant harvest, it is seen to be true that the cause of our need is avarice.
201Consider the lilies, how they grow etc.
206And on the text of Luke: Take nothing for your journey, he says:
What sort of person he should be who preaches the kingdom of God is made clear in the evangelical precepts, namely, a person without a staff, without shoes, without bread, that is, not needing the supports of temporal or secular assistance, and who thinks in faith that the less he needs these things, the more will they be provided for him.
207And on the same text he says:
If we are forbidden to possess gold or to take anything, the Apostle Peter, the first to carry out the command of the Lord, shows that the commands of the Lord are not spoken in vain, for when asked by a poor man to give him some money, he said: Silver and gold I have none.
209And on the letter Ad Corinthios he says of the apostles:
As far as the present life is concerned they seemed to be poor, needy on earth, rich in heaven having nothing yet possessing all things.
211And on the text: All these things shall be added unto you, he says: ‘He shows that grace will be lacking neither now nor in the future should those who now desire what is divine not look for what is earthly’.
212The same saint says Ad ecclesiam Vercellensem: ‘Do not refuse a poor person because Christ made himself poor for you.
216And later he wrote in Prima Petri: ‘Silver I have not but I do not need it; gold I do not have nor do I desire it’.
219The same saint in De conflictu viltiorum says:
The Lord says: Be not solicitous saying, what shall we eat, or what shall we drink, or wherewith shall we be clothed? For after all these things do the heathens seek.
224The same saint, on the text of the Gospel: The land of a certain rich man brought forth plenty of fruits, says:
those who are carried away by a frenzy of the mind do not see things themselves but the fantasies of their passion, just as the mind of an avaricious person, once it is bound by the bonds of greed, always sees silver, always calculates the profit, and thinks it more pleasant to gaze on gold than on the sun.
226And a little further on: ‘Sometimes gold is produced from gold by the most wicked skill of usury, but it is never enough nor will there be an end to greed’.
227And further on:
But someone says: How is it unjust if I look after my own possessions more carefully without intruding on what belongs to others?
229And a little further on: ‘Do not claim as your own what is common, for to have more than is sufficient is to claim something taken with violence’.
Is God unjust, not distributing equally to us what is needed for life, so that you indeed might be affluent and have an abundance, while others might have too little and be in need?
237Saint Augustine in Super Ioannem:
By what right do you defend the buildings of the church, by divine or human law?
242And in Distinctio prima:
The natural law is what is found in law and in the Gospel; by this law it is forbidden to do to others what one would not want done to oneself, and one is bound to do to others what one wants done to oneself.
243For by natural law all things are common to all, something it is believed was observed among them for we read of them: the multitude of believers had but one heart and one soul, and it is found to have been handed down from earlier times by the philosophers.
245Further: ‘The natural law overrides custom and constitutions. 246Anything found in ways of conduct or in the Scriptures, if they are contrary to natural law, are to be regarded as vain and invalid’. This is from the Decretum.
247Saint Basil, speaking in his Rule of charity towards God and neighbour, shows that the seeds of all the commandments of Christ were scattered by the Creator.
Concerning the charity due to God from us, we say first that we have received strength beforehand for all the commands given to us by God so that we are not faced as it were with something new to be sought out, nor are we proud as if we are doing more than obeying a command. 249And indeed by this strength, working correctly and as is fitting we fulfil piously a life in accord with the strength; but when we abuse this strength we fall into malice. 250And this is the nature of the malice: Malice is an evil use, against a command of Christ, of things given to us by God to be used for a good purpose.
251Similarly Saint Athanasius said about this when writing to monks:
I ask you, do not be wary of the word virtue as something impossible, nor think of this study that depends on our judgment as a pilgrim or as something located far away, for the nature of this work is placed within us awaiting only our will.
255Here is the statement on poverty of Saint Gregory Nazianzus in Sermo suus:
Nothing is more splendid in Christ than his love for poverty.
257The wild ass is sent out in the desert, is free, scorns the multitude of the city, and does not hear the scolding and voice of the driver.
261And he adds:
But they will reproach poverty and need, yet these are my riches for they have made me not only glorious but also proud.
263The same Saint in his Sermo contra Iulianum, the apostate, after a foretaste of the great proclamations about Christ, the apostles and the martyrs, says:
264You see these without life, without complaint, almost without flesh and blood, and in this way coming close to God; they are below but above the things below, they are among men and above human things, in chains but free, imprisoned and unable to be so held, having nothing in the world but all things that are above the world; they have a double way of living, namely, a contempt for what is clearly visible and a hurrying towards the other as if they are immortal from mortification, joined to God from being free, beyond desire, and with a divine love without passion.
265And he says of himself in Sermo apologeticus:
I did not preach to these lovers of God and brothers that I might have a life and love of wisdom without curiosity, in solitary quiet, leaving all things to whoever wants them; rather I speak to myself and to the Spirit as I thought of the Carmel of Elijah and the desert of John and so I judged the love of wisdom to be above what is earthly and above the present turmoil.
267And a little further on:
They find riches in poverty, ownership in a dwelling, glory in disgrace, strength in weakness, in virginity the multiplication of beautiful children much better than children coming from the flesh, a progeny from God; they do not sit down with those who feast on delicacies, they are humble above the heavens, they want nothing in the world or above the world, outside the flesh or in the flesh, their lot is the Lord and they are poor for the sake of the kingdom and they reign through poverty.
268Likewise, Saint John Chrysostom in Super Matthaeum, when speaking of John the Baptist, says:
Elijah worked in towns and homes, but John lived all the time in the desert using pieces of materials, needing neither roof, nor room, nor any such thing, so that he might learn to be away from humans and have nothing in common with the earth, but to go back to the first nobility in which humans were before needing clothes.
269And in the last Homily in Super Matthaeum he says: ‘What kind of resources did the apostles have when they could say: Silver and gold we have not? Did they not go round clothed in one tunic and without shoes and yet they overcame all?’
270And he adds:
Why throw gold away and if I will throw it away do I possess the virtue of Peter?
277Note how they stripped themselves of everything and gave all to those under instruction; these were people who allowed them to enter and to remain in their homes without bringing anything with them.
284And humiliating himself before the people he adds:
I have not suffered differently on your behalf as I have not had a long journey, nor have I come in clothing like theirs and bereft of possessions; for this we first of all accuse ourselves, namely, we are not without shoes and a second tunic and perhaps this is the reason why you omit what is your duty.
286He says the same in his praise of the monks of Egypt:
Rather, we all, rich and poor, are ashamed because while they had nothing at all, other than a body and their hands, they would strive and argue to find money for the needy here; but we, after holding back twelve thousand for ourselves, hardly even touch what is superfluous.
287Saint Jerome in Ad Heliodorum: ‘A perfect servant of Christ has nothing other than Christ, or if he has anything other than Christ he is not perfect’.
290The same Jerome in Ad Demetriadem: ‘If you wish to be perfect, Christ said to the rich young man, sell not a part of your possessions, but everything, and give to the poor, not the rich, not to relatives, not for luxury, but to meet a necessity’.
292And he says in his Epistola ad Titum:
A bishop who wants to imitate the apostles should be content with having only food and clothing.
296And in Contra Rufinum he says of himself and his brothers: ‘We neither have nor want money, but we are content with having food and clothing’.
297Pope Gregory in his book Dialogues praises Isaac as a perfect monk, because he did not want to receive possessions and money to be used by the monastery and he held to his firm opinion by which he used to say: ‘A monk who looks for possessions on earth, is not a monk’, yet while he approves this opinion he states that he has not observed it in his own monastery.
What the rich young man heard, namely, go and sell all that you have and give to the poor is a special command to the poor and more perfect followers of the Gospel, not a command in general to all.
302So that we might understand from these few quotes of the doctors what they taught in their many treatises about the heavenly and most divine life of Christ and his highest evangelical poverty, and what all the saints have equally and universally made clear and declared for the Church by their life and teaching, it is enough to have touched on these texts.
304Saint Clement relates that once when he offered his services to Saint Peter, Peter gave him this reply:
305O Clement in what role will you serve me? In preparing the food or a room or bed coverings? My food is bread, water and olives, and rarely vegetables, my clothing is a tunic and cloak and, being content with these, I need nothing else, because my mind looks not to the present but only to those things that are eternal.
306Saint John the Evangelist said to the two brothers who, struck by an arrow of the devil, were sad that they had given everything away to the poor:
307Go, after changing sticks into gold and rocks into precious stones and redeem the lands you sold, buy clothes of silk for yourselves that for a time you may be as resplendent as a rose that flowers displaying both its perfume and colour then suddenly withers.
312He gives the example of that rich man who was clothed in purple and fine linen, and who, after his death, was buried in hell, and of the poor man Lazarus whose soul the angels carried into Abraham’s bosom.
314He quotes also the example of creatures on which the sun, moon, stars, air, fire, water and rain are distributed to all of them as gifts in common, and so among humans all should be in common. 315An avaricious and rich person becomes, he says, a servant of riches and of the devil, because he does not own the riches but is owned by the riches, since no one can serve God and mammon, etc.
316When the apostle, Saint Bartholomew, cured King Polimius’ daughter, who was insane and unable to be cured by any medical skill, the king, wanting to pay the apostle, had camels laden with gold, silver and precious stones and launched a diligent search for him.
320The apostle, Saint Thomas, when he had raised Gath, the brother of Giundoforus, King of the Indians, from the dead, was put in prison in Abane by the King because the riches given to him by the same King for the construction of an imperial palace, that the apostle had described to him, had been given away to the poor.
323When the apostle, Thaddeus, sent to heal Abagarus, King of Edessa, according to the promise of the Saviour Lord, wrote a most holy letter in reply to the King and healed him by the touch of the sacred letter from an incurable illness by which he was constrained, the king offered many gifts to the same apostle.
326You will find similar things written about all the apostles, the disciples of Christ and the apostles and especially about the coenobites who lived from the time of the apostles to the time of Saint Benedict and the Emperor Justinian. 327These observed and professed the apostolic life as is most clear from their histories, lives and the words of the doctors and fathers, 328but especially from the words and Rule of Saint Basil who was the first to treat most fully of the faith and sacraments and the difference between the secular and religious state; in doing this he teaches clearly the difference between, on the one hand, the apostles and a disciple of Christ and, on the other, a monk, a servant of the Lord.
329On this topic Gregory Nazianzus, Saint Jerome his disciple, Saint Diadochus bishop, Epiphanius, Saint Maximus monk, Saint Ephrem of Syria and John Spartiata have left many writings in the Greek language.
330Also John Cassian, who wrote in Greek and Latin the Collationes he had learnt from the fathers, while other doctors have left much on this topic in Greek and Latin, but our weakness does not allow us to examine them,
333Not only does the Roman Church venerate and hold these things about the disciples of the apostle Peter, but if they were accepted and observed faithfully with due reverence they would suffice for the conversion, obedience of faith and holiness of life of the whole world.
334His disciple, Saint Lucius, was sent to preach Christ by his evangelical and truly angelic life; he wore only one cheap tunic and cloak, for forty years ate fresh vegetables twice a week and in Belvacus after the conversion of many to Christ was crowned with martyrdom.
335Saint Ionius, a disciple of the same apostle, wished for none of the things on earth, refreshed his small body only with vegetables, preached Christ by his heavenly way of life and his words were confirmed by God with signs and wonders; while preaching at Castrensis he was crowned with martyrdom.
336Sent also by the same Peter, Saint Apollinaris, completely apostolic in his life, miracles and teaching, like the two previous saints suffered martyrdom in the province of Ravenna.
337Cornelius a centurion in Caesarea, Mark an evangelist in Alexandria, Eutropius, son of the King of Babylon, in Aquitania and Sanctonis;
342All these, disciples of St Peter, sent by him to preach the kingdom of God by their actions, words and by the power of prodigies, counted all things but as dung that they might gain Christ, and to love what is heavenly and to despise what is earthly, and to rejoice in the evangelical and most divine life of Christ and in poverty,
348In his book De vitiis et virtutibus, Saint Nilus says:
The love of money or avarice is the root of all evil and nourishes the other passions as most evil branches.
355Saint Paphnutius in the deserts of Emilia and Thebaid lived an angelic life for eighty years, covered his small body with only one tunic made from cheap material and at one time never read the holy Scriptures but under the guidance of the Holy Spirit had a complete knowledge of the divine Scriptures.
356John Cassian writes in his Collationes of the fathers, that he taught him what follows about the triple renunciation:
The first renunciation is that by which we despise bodily all riches and goods of the world.
359And he adds:
In this it will be of no benefit to us to have undertaken with the utmost devotion of faith the first renunciation, if we do not undertake the second with the same attention and zeal.
361And further:
For everyone who after the renunciation of this world returns to the old interests and is called back to former desires, proclaims by deed and intent with those who said: It was well with me in Egypt.
364He says further:
Leaving the visible riches of the world, we are throwing away not what is ours but what are the goods of others, in as much as we glory in them either as acquired by our own work or as left to us in an inheritance from our parents.
369And he adds:
Therefore, what we called the first is the renunciation of what belongs to others. 370By itself alone this does not bring the perfection of renunciation unless it reaches the second by which we genuinely renounce what belongs to us.
374Of the perfection of the common and apostolic life, owning nothing in common, Saint Piamon says in his Collatio:
375The discipline of the coenobites had its origin from the time of the preaching of the apostles.
379And he adds:
Therefore, this was the oldest form of monasticism, first not only in time but also in grace, and it endured intact for many years until the time of Abbot Paul and of Anthony.
381Having related the origin of the Sarabaites and the difference between them and monks, he says: They, namely, the Sarabaites
do not accept the evangelical demands not to be preoccupied over daily provisions, nor to be caught up in family concerns.
383And he adds: The Sarabaites work
not to place the results of their work at the disposition of the one charged with distributing but to earn money that they hoard. 384Note how great is the difference between them: They, that is the monks, thinking nothing of the morrow, offer to God the most pleasing fruits of their labour. 385The others, however, that is the Sarabaites, maintain an unfaithful worry not only for the following day but also for a span of many years, or believe God to be untruthful or powerless for God is either not able or not willing to give the promised daily provisions or clothing. 386The whole aim of the monks is that, stripped of all things, they might possess perpetual poverty, while the others pursue an affluence in everything. 387The monks plan the daily duties so as to rise above the struggle, so that whatever comes for the holy use of the monastery may be distributed according to the judgment of the abbot for the cells, the guest house, the hospital or the needy. 388The others hoard whatever is left over each day to provide more lavish pleasure or for the vice of avarice.
389And he adds:
The patience and restraint, by which the monks devoutly persevere in the profession they once made, make them living martyrs never doing their own will and being crucified daily to this world; the others sink into hell alive from the lukewarm quality of their judgment.
390In the Collatio of Abbot John:
The aim of a monk is to mortify and crucify his own will and not to think of the morrow according to the salutary command of evangelical perfection.
393He says in the twenty-third Collatio on the perfection of a true monk:
By the loss of what family possession will a person who is glorious in perfect nakedness be crucified, a person who voluntarily rejects for Christ all the goods of this world, and who regards all desires for them in general as dung so that he might gain Christ?
396St Ephrem, in his work, Liber exhortationum ad Monachos, says:
397Old and young, wise and simple, healthy and sick, those serving the Lord in monasteries and in solitude, we should beware of satan who as a roaring lion, our adversary, goes about seeking to call back from the goal of perfection those who have left everything and are as people dead to the world, who, inspired by the grace of God, have committed themselves to live for Christ alone and to seek only what is heavenly.
400But God is faithful in his promises and says: I will not leave you, nor forsake you.
405Concerning the highest poverty of the monks, brothers and friends of Barlaam, in the Historia Barlaam is written:
You will complete what remains from your baptism, and you will receive from me inheritances, clothes for food and for the protection of yourself and your friends, as you hasten to the place of your way of life, enjoying the peace of God,
and what follows.
407Barlaam says: There is nothing that hinders the acceptance of the sign of Christ.
413Josaphat said to him: Explain your words to me, namely, how the least of my friends exceeds me in wealth when we see them living in great need, distressed by total penury? 414How can you say that now I am poor but I will be rich, and how can you say I will become a good benefactor when you now see me to be an excellent benefactor?
415Barlaam replied: It is not poverty in which they now seem to be abased, but indestructible riches with which they are adorned. 416For to add inheritances to what is already owned and not to restrain the urge of owning but to desire riches insatiably is the end of poverty. 417But those who despise what is present, seek with desire for what is forever and judge what is present to be rubbish. So that they might put on only Christ, they cast away worry over all food and clothing, rely on the Lord for these, are joyful in their need, not like any of the others who love the world and who rejoice in riches and passing things; they possess the riches of virtue and delight in what are immortal goods, and so I rightly call them richer than you and every earthly king.
418With God enriching you, you will receive an abundance of such spiritual substance, that by keeping it intact and always desiring to be more just, you will not want to be deprived of these at any time since they are true riches. 419For whoever has contemplated the abundance of spiritual riches will have more with which to be useful to his friends. 420Rightly then have I spoken of these least friends who indeed love heavenly goods, have denied themselves what is earthly and transitory and have fled from these as one flees from a snake. 421If my companions and fellow soldiers had killed a friend and trod him underfoot, and I were to receive him from you alive once again, I will say to them that I will become a cause of war and evil, I will always be an evil angel to you; may it not happen that I would do this.
422You should think the same way about clothing. 423Stripping away of the old corruption, as much as is in them, denying themselves, putting on Christ as the garment of salvation and putting on the stole of joy, how can they want me to be covered with clothes of skins?
428Josaphat said to Barlaam
Since you did not want to accept anything for your fellow soldiers who are with you in the desert, accept for yourself a small gift of food, covering and clothing for your body.
432As one unable to believe such words, Josaphat made a second request of Barlaam, namely, that he would give him his torn clothing and cheap cloak in memory of their informative study and at the same time, for his protection against every diabolical seduction, he would accept for himself something in exchange, as if it were given by me, he said, and so when I see it, in my memory I will recall your humility.
433The old man said to him: To give my old and torn clothing to you and receive new clothing is not allowed, for I would not want to be condemned for accepting a payment for my slight work. 434However, not to destroy your trust, let us make an exchange so that you give me give me very old clothes no different from the clothes I have. 435When the son of the king heard this, he looked for coarse and old hair cloth and gave them to the old man, accepting with joy what had been his, and he regarded them as incomparably better than every ornament and precious regal purple.
436You will find from their life and teaching that all the perfect and earliest saints held and taught the same understanding and behaviour in despising and hating the world. 437And if at times they condescended out of charity to the weakness and imperfection of sick subjects, in this following the example of Christ of whom we read that he had money for the poor and infirm, they themselves, dead to the world and alive to Christ, mourning, sorry and lamenting, as an exercise of virtue used cheap goods suitable for food and clothing but without any ownership.
439Abbot Dulas, his disciple, as recorded in the Vitae patrum, said of him:
440Once when I went to the cell of Abbot Bessarion I found him praying with hands extended towards heaven and he remained in this position for fourteen days. 441After this he called me and said: Follow me.
442Walking by the sea I said: Abbot, I am quite thirsty. He prayed and said to me: Go and drink from the sea, and the water had become as sweet as honey.
447On leaving and walking through a desert, I said to him when I was very thirsty, Father, I am thirsty.
449The same Abbot Dulas said to the monks:
When I was in the desert with my Abbot Bessarion, a servant came to him and reported to him saying:
453And he told us: While I was in the world and, in accord with the counsel of Christ I was going to sell all my possessions and give them to the poor, I thought in my heart to give the estate of great value I owned to a monastery of virginal nuns in Alexandria, in which three hundred virgins served the Lord while owning nothing, that they might live without worry, and pray without ceasing to God for me and for all the faithful.
459When I had been serving the Lord for five months under the discipline and teaching of the monks, in the sixth month, while I was praying towards the middle of the night, behold the roof of the oratory was opened and light shone in the oratory like a midday brightness; with the light many angels came down and placed thirteen thrones, and they put a fourteenth one large and bright in the middle of the seats. 460Immediately afterwards a lady, resplendent in inexpressible glory and splendour, with thirteen attendants, shining with a great elegance of brightness, came from heaven and sat on the thrones. 461The one seated on the right of the lady of glory, angrily turned his eyes towards me and gave orders to the angels standing nearby, saying: Go and throw out that antichrist. 462When they were about to carry out the order, the lady called them back to her saying: Do not throw him out, but bring him to me.
463As I trembled, not daring to look at the glory of her face, she questioned me saying: Do you know who I am and who is the one who ordered you to be cast out of the oratory as someone contrary to Christ? And I said: I do not know. 464I, she said, am she who gave birth to the Creator and Redeemer of the world and the one always seated on my right in glory is his Precursor, John the Baptist, to whom the care, protection and correction of all religious has been given by God; all religious are to look on him, and they should imitate his holiness and poverty.
467But the servants and handmaids of God trade with the sorrows of penance and the inconveniences of life for invisible, eternal goods that surpass all understanding, and are freed in this way from the snares of the demons and defilement from concupiscence of the flesh and the world.
469Therefore, hurry to Alexandria and, taking Isidore my servant with you, get back the estate from the handmaids of Christ and sell it and give to the poor. 470I will be with you so that without hindrance you will carry out what I order you to do. 471Turning to the Precursor, she said: John, trace a sign of the cross on his chest and forehead so that he will know for certain that this is a vision from God.
472When this was done, the vision disappeared.
473Early in the morning I journeyed to Alexandria and reported to Saint Isidore what I had seen. 474When he had heard all, we went to Saint Theophilus, the Patriarch, who was well disposed to us after hearing the matter. 475Going to the monastery of nuns, we found the Abbess and all the sisters unanimous and anxious to give back the estate they had accepted. 476I sold it to the imperial authorities and the gold I received for it, I gave to the poor. 477Having done this, I said to Saint Isidore: I do not think it would be good to give alms to the nuns. He said to me: To give and offer estates and possessions to those who have professed to observe the poverty of Christ so that they might have riches and the right of ownership, is a sin for those giving and receiving. 478No alms is more pleasing to God, than to provide what is necessary for virgins, for the sick and needy, according to what their present necessity requires. 479Also to give alms to lepers so that they might be able to live and cover their sick bodies, is greatly pleasing and acceptable to God.
480And he added: This, brother, is the reason why I said that whoever leaves his possessions to a monastery has put his soul in danger of damnation. 481Because those receiving act against their own soul and those giving to them offend God equally.
482That great old man answered a brother who asked: What am I to do so that I may be saved?
487On the evidence of Saint Jerome, in the desert in the town of the Thebaid in which Joseph with Mary and the child Jesus lived when they fled, Saint Apollonius at the command of angels built a monastery in which there were five hundred monks of the highest perfection, owning nothing and not wanting to have anything except Christ.
489He writes of Saint John the anchorite that for three years he always remained standing as he prayed within a cave of rock and he received the Eucharist only on Sundays both for spiritual food and for the nourishment of his bodily life.
494You will find similar things written about the most holy man Mark, an anchorite.
497Genuine monks and perfect anchorites, made holy and strengthened by the Holy Spirit, had nothing in common with the world, but while living in the flesh they did not live according to the flesh but, endowed with heavenly virtue, they savoured only what is heavenly.
498On these matters, the holy father Peter John,
499On the sixth chapter of the Rule he says:
500Let the brothers not make anything their own, etc., he says that it is clear that were the brothers in the whole Order, or in any province or convent to make something their own, then already they falsify in part what is said, namely, Let the brothers not make anything their own.
501Secondly, what follows immediately, neither house, nor place, that is, nor any piece of land. 502For it is clear that in religions of this kind it is not the practice nor are they able to own in an honest way except by owning in common as a group.
503Thirdly, it also adds, that they are to be as pilgrims and strangers in this world. 504It is clear that it is contrary to the idea of a pilgrimage to own land as is implied in being and in being called a pilgrim. 505The Rule wants us to be pilgrims, not only concerning this or that thing or land but in general concerning the whole world. 506It was not enough for him to say pilgrims but he added strangers, so that it applies not only to the present and to the future but also to the past and in this way he instructs and teaches us to have nothing in common with the world. 507For a stranger is foreign, coming from elsewhere and knows that the land to which he has come is not his home region, and so he knows that he is a stranger. 508But a pilgrim, as one distant from his own home, longs for it now and in the future and knows that the land in which he is travelling is strange or foreign to him both now and in the future.
509In this, the Rule is following the lead of the Psalm that says: For I am a stranger with you, and a sojourner as all my fathers were.
512There follows the text of blessed Peter in his First Letter, chapter 2, where he says: I beseech you as strangers and pilgrims, to refrain yourselves from carnal desires which war against the soul etc.
So Jerome.
515Fourthly, because he adds let them go seeking alms with confidence it is neither proper nor fitting to hold in common what is necessary.
516Fifthly, lest a shame of such poverty, need and having to beg might disturb the spirits of the brothers, he adds an example of poverty and need when he says: and they should not be ashamed etc.
518Sixthly, from the excellent praise of poverty immediately following, he presents it to the eye as something singular and distinctly admirable, saying: This is that sublime height etc.
524Seventhly, because like a testator he gives us this only as an inherited portion, he adds: Let this be your portion, where he shows the fourth effect that is caused by the three preceding by adding: Which leads into the land of the living.
Words of Olivi.
530Concerning the article on expropriation, the aforementioned Masters ask whether the brothers can buy, sell, change, borrow, lease what they produce, and mortgage or give away the things that are for their use.
537Concerning the words, as pilgrims and strangers, the aforementioned Masters ask whether the poverty to which the brothers are bound forbids them from being able to have some fixed income for their support, in the way that some persons wanted to arrange a fixed income by which the brothers in some place would be supported but without ownership existing among them.
539In reply to these questions they say:
It seems to us that there is a double necessity of evangelical poverty, as the saints say, one that is imperfect, namely, poverty of spirit that retains nothing temporal that is superfluous, but does retain whatever is necessary;
544The end of the Quatuor Magistri.
545Wherever the brothers may be and meet one another, etc.
546Evangelical poverty and a total abdication and expropriation of all things, as it removes one from the love of all that is visible and makes the one who professes and observes it a stranger, shows that its secrets, by divine working, are to be a humble pilgrim in the world, conformed to the way of life and desires of Christ and perfectly united in the love of God and neighbour; 547it makes one, always and everywhere in word and deed, close to and at home with all, because it loves, reveres and accepts Christ, to whose worship one is consecrated, in his brothers. 548And since the love of Christ exceeds and surpasses all natural love, therefore, more completely and sincerely than a mother loves and cares for her son according to the flesh does a poor and humble disciple of Christ love his fellow servants and brothers, and shows his affection in times of health and sickness by the practice of his love.
551And when they are sick, one is to serve another in the way they would wish to be served themselves, that is, according to the law of mutual charity taught by Christ when he said:
554In the Earlier Rule was written:
If any of the brothers falls sick, wherever he may be, let the other brothers not leave him behind unless one of the brothers, or even several of them, if necessary, is designated to serve him as they would want to be served themselves.
556I beg the sick brother to thank God for everything and to desire to be whatever the Lord wills, whether sick or well, because God teaches all those he has destined for eternal life by the torments of punishments, sicknesses, and the spirit of sorrow, as the Lord says: Those whom I love, I correct and chastise.
CHAPTER VII
THE PENANCE TO BE IMPOSED ON THE BROTHERS WHO SIN
7, IIf any brother, at the instigation of the enemy, sins morally etc.
2The foregoing six chapters on regular perfection, dealt primarily with the fundamental state in which the first concern before any others was the ordered discipline and governing of the Religion. Due to our weakness and great necessity, the seventh chapter on sacramental penance, as the medicine and discipline of those who sin mortally, is placed, 3so that through the mercy of Christ and by the remedy of penance, we might rise again to life from death of the soul, from a slavery to sin and a return to the freedom of grace.
4The kindness and grace of our Redeemer shine and are illustrious in all the works of our rising again.
7Despising and judging ourselves, we are careful and vigilant against the snares of the enemy. We invoke divine help without ceasing, cleansing our conscience by works that are the opposites of offences and sins, we are raised up through penance by a trust of hope, and we give thanks unceasingly for God’s inexplicable kindness in our reconciliation.
10And because such great good and such an exalted and singular remedy is given to us by God in the sacrament of penance, 11so Christ instructs and graciously commands us through his servant Francis that in regard to those mortal sins concerning which it has been decreed among the brothers to have recourse only to the provincial ministers, let him have recourse as quickly as possible and without delay.
12It was the intention of Saint Francis that this way of recourse to the ministers was to be observed in cases of evident mortal sins, and brothers who sinned in this way, that is, the sins were evident and known to many, are ordered to have recourse only to the ministers; 13such sins would be receiving money, a sin of fornication or other evident acts of impurity, any heretical deviance, evident and notable theft of goods and alms given to the brothers to be used for the necessities of life and for the divine liturgy, for threats with arrogance and blows inflicted on brothers or any other persons, and for all other public mortal sins for which it is laid down by the brothers themselves in general chapters.
15That Saint Francis referred principally to the sins listed above can be satisfactorily deduced from the situations of his time and from what he wrote in the Earlier Rule. 16For he says in it about receiving money:
If, by chance, which God forbid, it happens that some brother is collecting or holding coin or money, let all the brothers consider him a deceptive brother, an apostate, a thief, a robber, and as the one who held the money bag, unless he has sincerely repented.
17He lists theft, robbery, the receiving of money and the collection of coins as serious matters and lays down that pardon with penance is not to be given lightly nor indifferently nor by any priest, should such sins occur, but only by the ministers, and then to brothers truly contrite of their sin who seek to undertake and carry out every penance.
18Similarly, he stated in the same Earlier Rule about fornication or other evident impurity and lapses of the flesh:
19If, at the instigation of the devil, any brother commits fornication, let him be deprived of the habit he has lost by his wickedness, put it aside completely, and be altogether expelled from our Order. Afterwards he may do penance.
20According to the Rule, such a rebuke and separation is to be imposed only by the ministers.
21In his Testament he writes as follows about heretical deviance:
And if some might have been found who are not reciting the Office according to the Rule and want to change it in some way, or who are not Catholics, let all the brothers, wherever they may have found one of them, be bound through obedience to bring him before the custodian of that place nearest to where they found him.
24In the Earlier Rule he says:
Let all the brothers be, live, and speak as Catholics.
26From these words it is sufficiently clear that one of the more serious sins and evils he wanted to stamp out of his Religion, lest it be utterly and totally destroyed, was an error in behaviour and in faith. 27So he wished that a brother found to be infected with such a disorder in word or deed, even though it be a small matter, and if, after examining himself truly and prudently over his words and actions, he asks for penance, he is to have recourse only to the ministers.
28He wanted this to apply to anyone striking his brothers or other persons outside the Religion. 29The serious actions of such sins bring a bad name on the Religion and so, moved by Christ in the power of the spirit, he stated with much bitterness of heart that they are to be denounced for having incurred a curse from God.
30He gives to the ministers the manner and form for absolving those held by such bonds of sins or, if they are not priests, the authority to depute others to give them absolution and penance. 31However, this is to be done discreetly, usefully, mercifully and with tranquillity, following the example of the Samaritan who poured wine and oil into the wounds to cure them and as a stricter reproof;
35In the Earlier Rule he wrote that when the brothers have no priests they should confess to secular priests. 36For he says:
Let us consider all clerics and religious as our masters in all that pertains to the salvation of our soul and does not deviate from our religion, and let us respect their life and administration in the Lord.
39If they have not been able to find a priest, however, let them confess to their brother, as the Apostle James says: Confess your sins to one another.
43But he warns the ministers and brothers, they must be careful not to be angry or disturbed at the sin of another, for anger and disturbance impede charity in themselves and in others.
44We should be sorry and upset over the sins of others just as we are sorry and upset over our own sins when we have a genuine and actual spirit of contrition like our Lord who was upset and shed tears, and seeing the city he wept over it.
46The ministers who are the servants of the others are then bound to correct their brothers and reproach wrongdoers out of good will and with much leniency, so that before God they might be virtuous, cleansed of sin and defects, and not neglect anything pertinent and useful for their correction and salvation.
CHAPTER VIII
THE ELECTION OF THE GENERAL MINISTER OF THIS FRATERNITY AND THE CHAPTER OF PENTECOST
8, 1Let all the brothers always be bound to have one of the brothers of this Order etc.
2In the eighth chapter is found useful information about the election of the general minister, the government in general, and a suitable way of electing the general minister, the servant of those who profess the evangelical life.
4Both the one in charge and those who obey are bound to be conformed to Christ and imitate his life, as Saint Basil teaches in his Rule:
5It is certain that the one in charge, who within reason is not present to a brother, brings on himself a grave and inevitable anger. 6For his blood will be required from his hand, and he is to direct an obedient subject in such a way that no command, even the most difficult, causes sadness because the reward for him is great in heaven.
8Let not the dignity make the one in charge proud so that he is cut off from blessed humility, or puffed up lest he falls into the snare of the devil, but let him know with the utmost certainty that the care of many is a service of many.
11The one in charge of the brotherhood should conform himself to Christ the good shepherd in everything and for all things, and he must take watchful care in everything he does and says, knowing that all look on him as an exemplary model and what he says and does they regard as definitive and a law.
Desiring to walk in the footsteps of the Lord, he is to withdraw totally from all carnal delights, and show to the brotherhood that he offers himself, having left, in accord with the Gospel, father and mother and children and sisters, family connections, riches, glory, nobility, and coming to the fraternity he must give up also his soul.
19And Saint Basil in another chapter of his Rule describes what kind of person the one who serves and is in charge should be:
20You who have gained honour before Christ by giving up all earthly possessions must, with much care and searching of mind, 21find someone who is above all not thinking of deviating from your way of life, is very perceptive and expert in leading and directing those journeying to God, is adorned with virtues, whose own works bear testimony of his love for God, has a perfection and knowledge of the divine Scriptures, is not preoccupied with the cares of life, without love of money, without troubles and curiosity, 22is tranquil, a friend of God, a lover of the poor and poverty, not irascible, not remembering malice, much concerned for the edification of those near him, without vain glory, without pride, not a flatterer nor fawning admirer, joyful not changing and honours nothing more than God.
Words of Basil.
23On this there is written in the Prima Legenda: A certain brother said to blessed Francis: ‘Father you will pass on, and the family of your followers will be left behind in this vale of tears’.
24Saint Francis with many sighs replied: ‘Son, I find no one adequate to be the leader of such a varied army, or the shepherd of such a widespread flock. But I would like to paint one for you, or make one by hand, as the phrase goes, to show clearly what kind of person the father of this family should be. 25He must be a very dignified person, of great discernment, and of praiseworthy reputation. He must be without personal favourites, lest by loving some more than others, he create scandal for all. He must be a committed friend of holy prayer, who can distribute some hours for his soul and others for the flock entrusted to him. Early in the morning, he must put first the sacrament of the Mass, and with prolonged devotion commend himself and his flock to divine protection.
27‘After prayer, he must make himself available for all to pick at him, and he should respond to all and provide for all with meekness. He must be someone who does not create sordid favouritism toward persons, but will take as much care of the lesser and simple brothers as of the learned and greater ones.
31‘He should not be a book collector, or too intent on reading, so that what he gives to study may not take away from his holiness and office. Let him be someone who comforts the tempted and the afflicted, is a refuge for the troubled, a doctor who offers with kindness health-giving remedies to the sick, by his meekness and gentleness teaching the impudent and proud to savour what is lowly, not to seek what is theirs, that he might gain souls for Christ.
33‘I want all to honour him as standing in Christ’s place, and I wish that all his needs be provided for with every kindness.
39‘I would like him to have companions endowed with honesty, who, like him, show themselves an example of all good works: stern against pleasures, strong against difficulties, and yet friendly in the right way, so that they receive all who come to them with holy cheerfulness.
40‘There,’ he concluded, ‘that is the kind of person the general minister of the Order should be.’
41And whoever is great in this way always teaches and announces by deed and word the will of Christ the Lord who dwells in him, and so they are strictly bound to obey him as a dispenser and minister of God.
43When he dies, let the election of his successor be made by the provincial ministers and custodians in the Chapter of Pentecost, at which all the provincial ministers etc.
44The brothers are bound to have one general and servant of the whole fraternity whose election must be made by the provincial ministers and custodians, nor are they able to elect one who is not a professed brother of the Order, whom, without wavering, all must strictly obey.
49That only one custodian from each province goes to the general chapter is due to the authority of a privilege asked for from the Church for the sake of some compromises and apparent spiritual advantages.
56The intention of the Rule is that a General Chapter is to be celebrated.
57It is the task of the chapter to order whatever can guard more perfectly the purity and holiness of the Religion. 58What can be expressed in such a general decision is to be observed and accepted by all superiors and subjects, 59This is even more applicable to superiors who are under a heavier obligation, by the gifts received from God and by carrying out the office of God’s providence, to bring forth multiple fruit of good works and to enlighten their subjects by a virtuous example.
60The authority to set the place and time for the celebration of a General Chapter resides in the minister general, but the power to elect a successor or another, should the one in charge not be suitable for the service and common welfare of the brothers, resides within a General Chapter, that is, in the ministers and custodians.
62The Rule speaks of a custodian as a minister and servant, because the titles of humility harmonize with the works and teaching of Christ and are known to be lovable.
63In the Earlier Rule was written: ‘Let no one be called “prior”, but let everyone in general be called a lesser brother. Let one wash the feet of the other’.
64Just as Saint Francis wanted his brothers to be called Lesser Brothers in imitation of and reverence for the humility of Christ, so too he took humble names for all the permanent carers and offices, such as guardians, custodian, minister and servant, 65so that each single brother might know and understand that all arrogance, pre-eminence, elation, bragging, and ambition are contrary to pride in the truth of the name and the highest promise of life. 66He did not want the brothers to look on all the offices of the brothers as dignities and prelacies, but they are to be accepted as signs of lowliness, humility and service, so that while they carried them out they would seem unworthy to themselves and be more deeply humiliated.
CHAPTER IX
PREACHERS
9, 1The brothers may not preach in the diocese of any bishop etc.
2Saint Francis shows in this chapter that Christ taught him the authority of the Church is to be held in highest veneration and reverence, as are all prelates and priests. 3So those who hold the office of preaching in his Religion, the wiser they are than other brothers, the more fully and effectively they are to show, with humility and all honour, subjection to the prelates and to all priests no matter how simple.
4He says of this in his Testament: Since
the Lord gave me, and gives me still, such faith in priests who live according to the rite of the holy Roman Church because of their orders that, were they to persecute me, I would still want to have recourse to them.
7By reason of their office and from their continual care, competence and knowledge, bishops and rectors of churches should know better than any stranger when, how and by whom their subjects are to be admonished; nor should anyone put a sickle into another’s harvest.
8Hence he says in the Earlier Rule:
Let no brother preach contrary to the rite and practice of the Church or without the permission of his minister.
14We may know with certainty that nothing belongs to us except our vices and sins.
16Therefore, let all the brothers, beware of all pride and vainglory. Let us guard ourselves against the wisdom of this world and the prudence of the flesh.
21Let us refer all good to the Lord, God Almighty and Most High, acknowledge that every good is his, and thank him, from whom all good comes, for everything.
23When we see or hear evil spoken or done or God blasphemed, let us speak well and do well and praise God who is blessed forever.
24Saint Francis wrote this in the Earlier Rule.
25Foreseeeing future events, he used to say: ‘There are many, still in the Religion, who would willingly climb to the heights of knowledge but that person will be blessed who makes himself barren for the love of God’.
27When they have preached and learn that some have been edified or converted to penance, they become puffed up or congratulate themselves for someone else’s gain. For those whom they think they have edified and converted to penance by their words, the Lord edified and converted by the prayers of holy brothers, although they are ignorant of it. This is the will of God so that they do not take notice of it and become proud.
28I wish they would grow stronger in virtue, so that when the times of tribulation arrive they may have the Lord with them in their distress.
30He foresaw in the future that receiving money, sumptuous buildings, pride in knowledge, privileges, familiarity with nuns and pride would be destructive and fatal plagues in his Religion, and he wanted all his brothers not only to be far from these but completely alien to them. 31So in no way did he want any of his brothers, no matter how expert in knowledge, to preach to the people unless he has been first examined and approved by the minister who then gives him the office of preaching.
32Gregory Nazianzus and John Chrysostom, and in short all the doctors, have written at length to show the innumerable evils that took root in the Church from an ambition to teach before being willing to learn, and to sanctify and enlighten others before being enlightened and sanctified by the Spirit of Christ’s anointing that teaches everything concerning a perfection of the virtues. 33But brothers moved by other reasons from the force of a privilege requested, take the examination for preachers in their provincial chapters and receive the office of preaching by an authority they say was kindly granted to all provincial ministers by papal authority for the spiritual gain of souls.
36He exhorts those who lawfully accept the office of preaching that their language be well-considered and chaste for the benefit and edification of the people, containing nothing vain or curious, false or doubtful, superfluous or useless.
40This form of preaching that he commends and teaches by exhortation was prophesied by Isaiah and taken up by the apostles in the Letter to the Romans; he puts it forward as useful and necessary, for in it are contained in brief all the works of faith, truth, hope, grace and the good will of charity as well as all causes of damnation and salvation, of punishments and reward:
CHAPTER X
THE ADMONITION AND CORRECTION OF THE BROTHERS
10, 1Let the brothers who are the ministers and servants of the others etc.
2On the visitation, correction and government of the brothers, on the necessary and spiritual care of the prelates over the brothers, on how frequently they are to visit them, carefully watch over their behaviour, consult, correct and kindly and charitably warn them, and help them by word and example to rise to the perfection that is above, not commanding them anything that is against their soul and the Rule they have professed, Francis speaks as follows in the Earlier Rule:
3In the name of the Lord! Let all the brothers who have been designated the ministers and servants of the other brothers assign their brothers in the provinces and places where they may be, and let them frequently visit, admonish and encourage them spiritually.
7Let the ministers and servants remember what the Lord says: I have not come to be served, but to serve;
9Keep watch over your souls, therefore, and those of your brothers, because it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.
11On the other hand, let all the brothers who are under the ministers and servants consider the deeds of the ministers and servants reasonably and attentively. 12If they see any of them walking according to the flesh and not according to the Spirit in keeping with the integrity of our life, if he does not improve after a third admonition, let them inform the minister and servant of the whole fraternity at the Chapter of Pentecost regardless of what objection deters them.
13Moreover, if, anywhere among the brothers, there is a brother who wishes to live according to the flesh and not according to the Spirit, let the brothers with whom he is living admonish, instruct and correct him humbly and attentively.
16Let all the brothers, both the ministers and servants as well as the others, be careful not to be disturbed or angered at another’s sin or evil because the devil wishes to destroy many because of another’s fault.
18Likewise, let all the brothers not have power or control, especially among themselves;
22Let no brother say or do anything evil to another; on the contrary, through the charity of the Spirit, let them serve and obey one another voluntarily.
26If the brothers, wherever they may be, cannot observe our life in those places let them have recourse to their minister as soon as they can, making this known to him.
29The intention of Saint Francis, as received from Christ on the highest and most perfect form of obedience, is explained in these words of the Earlier Rule with the support of the Gospel. He commands that it is to be strictly observed by all the brothers, prelates and subjects, so as to drive away all blindness from the consciences of subjects and prelates and to define for those who preside what are the boundaries and limits of the Gospel of Christ and his obedience: 30never to advise, suggest or command anything contrary to the Rule and a soul, anything wrong or sinful, anything inciting or likely to lead one to do what is contrary to a vow and regular observance. 31Hence, not only are they forbidden to place on their subjects anything contrary to the Rule, but even what might impede and corrupt its simple and pure observance; were they to obey such commands they would be disobedient to the Gospel of Christ, the Rule, the Supreme Pontiff, Saint Francis and the Church, and they would put obedience to men before obedience to God.
32In all other things, no matter how difficult, he commands his subjects to be obedient promptly, humbly and with an unfeigned faith, not regarding anything as difficult or impossible provided it lacks any harm or occasion of sin and is conducive to a full observance of the promised perfection.
34Saint Basil in his Rule says:
If indeed a command of a prelate is in accord with a command of the Lord or is directed towards a precept, even if it contains a threat of death, it must be obeyed.
37The Lord says: My sheep know my voice and follow me, but a stranger they do not follow, but fly from him because they do not know the voice of strangers.
38The authority of prelates and the subjection and obedience of subjects have their source in Christ who is the head of the Church and the beginning and end of the goods of grace and glory.
43So Saint Bernard in his Epistola ad Adam monachum, speaking against those who are obedient to their abbot in what is evil, says:
The general sentence on such people is, such as turn aside into bonds, the Lord shall lead out with the workers of iniquity.
49Hence, the Lord rebuked the Pharisees, saying: Why do you transgress the commandment of God for your tradition?
53Saint Bernard says this to show that obedience is not to what is evil but to what is good, and sins are not to be committed but destroyed by obedience.
56And he adds in the same Epistola:
Some things are completely good, others completely evil in which no obedience is to be given to men, because neither good is to be avoided when forbidden nor evil committed when commanded.
56And further on he says:
Therefore, how can a command of an abbot or a permission of a pope be made licit when it is completely evil, as is proven without a doubt, when above it has been asserted that complete evil is never commanded lawfully, so it cannot be obeyed lawfully?
57But while a subject has a reasonable doubt as to whether what is ordered is a sin, he must obey.
58Wherever the brothers may be who know and feel they cannot observe the Rule, etc.
59When brothers have learnt from experience and are certain that, in the places where they are and live, they are not able to observe the Rule according to its pure intention and true value, as laid down in it, because of bad customs, associated conditions, various unavoidable occasions leading to violations of the Rule and the promised life,
64On the evidence of Brother Leo, who with Brother Bonizo was present when Saint Francis, at the command of Christ, presented this second Rule to the lord Pope Honorius for confirmation, and, when the Supreme Pontiff had studied more carefully everything contained in the Rule, he said to Saint Francis:
70Saint Francis replied to him: I did not put these words in the Rule, but Christ, who knew better everything useful and necessary for the salvation of the souls of the brothers and for the good condition and preserving of the Religion, and to whom everything, that would happen in the Church and in the Religion, is evident and present; nor should I, nor am I able to change the words of Christ. 71For in the future, ministers and those over others in the Religion, will make many bitter troubles for those who want to observe the Rule literally and faithfully; 72because, as it is the will and obedience of Christ that the Rule and this life, which is his, be understood and observed literally, so it should be your will and obedience that it be understood and observed as it is written in Rule.
73Then the Supreme Pontiff said to him: Brother Francis, I will act in such a way that, preserving the sense of the words fully, I will so moderate the letter of the Rule in this passage, that the ministers may understand they are obliged to do what Christ wants and the Rule lays down, and understand that the brothers have the freedom to observe the Rule purely and simply, and no ground will be given now or later as an occasion to those seeking to offend under the pretext of observing the Rule.
74The Supreme Pontiff changed the words of this clause by saying: Wherever the brothers, etc.
75Obviously, all the commands in his final Testament given to all his brothers, namely, that they are not to ask for letters from the Roman Church and that they are to observe the Rule simply and to the letter, clearly manifest and prove this.
76It is proved also by the reply given in Saint Mary of the Angels to the brother from Germany, a master in theology, who said to Saint Francis with much reverence:
82When Saint Francis forbids putting glosses on the Rule, he did not mean that reasons, examples and the authorities of saints declaring the spiritual and true meaning of the Rule and Testament, should not be put forward, written and made;
84However, because he foresaw by the Spirit of Christ the one who, out of pride, would seek to induce his bothers finally to pride, vainglory, envy and greed, of care and solicitude for the things of this world, of detraction and murmuring, he had to turn all his attention to this.
86And in so far as they are exalted by pride and inflated from vanity, they go around to appear superior to all in works and word; to show this they are not ashamed to preach, so that having lost the joy of charity, they display that it is a zeal of justice both to envy their betters, and to extinguish and persecute cunningly the Spirit of God in his brothers and in others outside. 87For those who lose the life of charity, fall from the solid base of humility, and while by pride they put themselves before others, or want to be regarded as better than others, they serve a lie through vanity and deny the truth.
88From this, agitated with envy, deprived of the joy of charity, they involve themselves insolubly in the worries and cares of life out of avarice and a love for what is visible, they incur wickedly out of greed a hatred of poverty and the poor, and from a shameless and foolish mind they turn their tongues bitterly to detraction and murmuring that are hateful to God.
90In the Earlier Rule there was written on this: ‘The clerical brothers may have only the books necessary to fulfill their office’.
94Blessed Francis foresaw that by the seduction of the ancient serpent his
Religion would be corrupted, like Eve with the excuse of knowing good and evil and to have the perfection of the gods, that is, of the exalted doctors of the Church and of the wise masters,
97Brother Leo says:
But, foreseeing the future, he knew through the Holy Spirit and even repeated it many times to the brothers, that many brothers, under the pretext of edifying others, would abandon their vocation, that is, pure and holy simplicity, holy prayer, and our Lady Poverty.
100When the brothers, who had suggested to lord Hugolino, bishop of Ostia, to persuade him to follow the advice of so many wise brothers, whom God had given him, in what he does and lays down for the Religion, he took the hand of the lord Cardinal and replied before all saying:
101My brothers! My brothers! God has called me by the way of simplicity and showed me the way of simplicity. And the Lord told me what he wants: He wants me to be a new fool in the world. God did not wish to lead you by any way other than this knowledge, but God will confound you by your knowledge and wisdom.
102While Brother Crescentius was minister general he condemned with great injustice those holy brothers who worked for a pure observance of the Rule.
106From this, there comes to all sanctified in the womb of the holy Roman Church, who possess the spirit of Jeremiah, a cause of sorrow, distress, lamentation, exile and death. 107For Jeremiah himself was taken and moved from his home to Egypt, a place with a different way of life and because of his witness to the truth he was subjected to stoning. The judgment and punishment on those stoning him are reserved for the suitable time, when the Lord will have completed by the little ones what was prophesied by him, whom, whether the world wants or does not want it, the Spirit of Jesus Christ will raise up.
108The reason already touched on is why, among other important reasons, Christ wanted him to put in the Rule that those who are illiterate not be anxious to learn, but let them pay attention to what they must desire above all else: to have the Spirit of the Lord and what follows.
110Blessed Francis said:
They will set up a shelter for the great harlot and they will bring their sons to her and they will live voluptuously from her wages,
113Saint Gregory Nazianzus, in his Sermo on Saint Athanasius, notes with sorrow that in the Church of God in his lifetime a similar thing happened and for the same reason;
At times things went well in our quiet when this overflow of dialectic activity and a talkative and artificial work of theology had neither access nor entry in the divine halls. 115But it was the same as a move to deceive sight by the speed of moves made in a hidden way, or an appearance of change, or to leap and to be bent into every shape before the eyes of men and women; it was similarly curious to speak or hear about God. 116However, whatever existed as simple and very generous was thought to be a piety. 117But the Sexti and Pirones are corrupted by an opposing language of objections, like some hard and malignant languor that they have introduced in our churches, when verbosity is considered to be teaching or method, similar to what the book of Acts says about the Athenians: they employed themselves in nothing else, but to say or hear something even newer.
119He says the same in his Sermo XVII that begins: ‘Since you have come together promptly and in large numbers’ etc.
120What is this envy of a laudable ascent and who does not regard such a case as something to be extolled with joy and who does not know the weakness of human progress, and how far one remains from the true height that is above all?
121Such a person is small in mind, poor in language, does not know the subtleties of words, the speech and enigmas of the wise, the vehemence of Pirone, the solutions to the syllogisms of Crisippus, the evil skill of the arts of Aristotle, or the seduction of the sweet eloquence of Plato, all of which, like the plagues of Egypt, have been wrongly and corruptly introduced into our Church.
129A person who is poor in speech and knowledge but trusts in the simple words is saved by these, as on a small yacht, unlike the perverse person who is foolish with his lips and while trusting in verbal proofs, thinking a word is better because of the power in words, is in reality making void the cross of Christ.
133Words of Gregory.
134Athanasius writes in a similar way in his Epistola ad monachos, Saint Jerome in Super Epistolam ad Colossenses, and Saint Basil in his Epistola ad Gregorium Nazianzenum already mentioned, and in Amphiletium.
135Saint Francis foresaw and foretold that a strong temptation for his brothers, like a violent wind from the side of the desert, was sure to arise from a love of learning to shake the four corners, overturn the foundations of the house of his first followers, and oppress all his sons and daughters.
138But between the sign of Rechab in the Old Testament and Francis, the one prefigured in the New, there is a difference, namely, that he has a direct connection and harmony with Christ whose wounds he bears. 139The sons of Rechab kept his command against the command of the Lord, but the sons of blessed Francis’ flesh did not want to obey his command, neither on account of signs, nor for the honour or reverence due to their father, nor from a desire to inherit a paternal blessing, nor for the love of Christ and the glory of his Spirit living in him, nor did they want to obey his command or observe the Testament. 140This happened so that by a just judgment of God the inheritance might pass to the ones who are reproached, cursed and persecuted; the faces of those persecuting will be filled with shame, and the remnant shall be saved. When the inflicted trouble has given understanding to what is said, over the humble and contrite the blessing of God will rest.
141Whoever will have the Spirit of the Lord, the source and origin of all virtues, gifts and light, and its holy activity through union with God and the service of divine worship, the effect and affection of sincere love for neighbour and for those cursing and persecuting, patience and joy of spirit in infirmity and various temptations that come from the corruption of one’s flesh and soul, from the envy of demons and the malice of perverse people,
CHAPTER XI
THE BROTHERS MAY NOT ENTER THE MONASTERIES OF NUNS
11, 1I strictly command all the brothers not to have any suspicious dealings or conversations with women, and they may not enter the monasteries of nuns, etc.
2Saint Francis, aware through the Holy Spirit of the fragility and weakness of his body and soul and accepting from above the clearest knowledge of human corruptibility, fortified his brothers from every side by the example of his life, of continuous exercises of a humble and rigid penance, and protected them by the strictest precept of obedience lest they allow the brightness of unstained purity to be in any way dirtied or defiled. 3Nothing overcomes the spirit of fornication more than perfect obedience, genuine and deep humility, a real and verbal acknowledgment and confession of one’s weakness and fragility, the mind and flesh crucified with Christ by sorrowful acts of penance, acts necessary for everyone through the whole of life for salvation. 4A spirit of uncleanness cannot remain in a truly humble mind or in a body mortified and configured to the death of Christ; it is burnt by the force of its wickedness and while it looks at the Christ like affections of the saints and sees in their mortal flesh a life consecrated to sharing in the passion of Christ, they experience by virtue of the cross the destruction of their own wickedness.
5He knew that our first parent, with the help of Eve, was seduced, he in whom shone the image of the one and triune God;
8Moreover, in the eleventh chapter, lest they incur the curse and fault of an excessive transgression such as caused the fall and corruption of holiness, innocence, fortitude, patience, the original world, five towns and so many fathers, he places a firm and salutary command, 9namely, that their way of life before God and men be holy, pure and clean and far from every stain of flesh and spirit. 10And he wants them by a careful custody to be cautious and to be protected by a sure mortification in speech, senses and actions, lest they be ensnared and submerged in the snare and abyss of such evil, where innumerable people have run and perished, even holy, strong, outstanding and most wise men. 11This is why Saint Francis, so that his brothers might take an example from him, said when dying that from his conversion to Christ and his renunciation of the world, he looked on the face of no woman other than the faces of his mother and Saint Clare.
12There are innumerable examples in the Saints, such as Saints Nicholas, Basil, Anthony, Sysonis, Pachomius, Benedict, Augustine, Bernard and all the others who founded orders, who teach and direct us, servants of God, to avoid the sight, familiarity and suspicious conversations with women and not to enter the monasteries of nuns.
15On this the Earlier Rule reads:
Wherever they may be or may go, let all the brothers avoid evil glances and association with women. No one may counsel them, travel alone with them or eat out of the same dish with them.
18Let us all keep close watch over ourselves and keep all our members clean, for the Lord says: Whoever looks at a woman with lust has already committed adultery with her in his heart.
21Suspicious dealings and conversations mean, as Saint Jerome writes Ad Nepotianum when instructing him on this:
Avoid all suspicion and whatever can with probability be so represented; avoid it before it is so represented.
24In a particular way he forbids entry and approach to monasteries, especially of the sisters of Saint Clare, lest under the pretext of divine love, a secret carnal love, coming from a subtle working of demons, binds the unwary indissolubly.
26He foresaw and preached that, as the final trouble drew near, the gravest evils would be stirred up, especially in religious, when the spirits of wickedness, set free, would be allowed to attack viciously the holiness of the life of Christ. 27Hence, they will be truly blessed who are found to be remote in action and heart from carnal affections and sensual dealings and conversations with women, especially with nuns, lest they be caught in the nets of the evil spirits;
29He forbade them, also, to be godfathers to men or women, a relationship arising in two sacraments, namely in baptism and confirmation, and this both in giving and receiving the sacrament.
36Saint Basil says:
For if it happens that you go away from your cell for some reason, clad in the armour of the fear of God and with the love of Christ clasped in your hand, you will fight with full abstinence against the assaults of pleasures,
38There is nothing more important than to guard the soul, for which Christ died, from the death of sin.
so the demons unceasingly and deceitfully try to plunder the treasure of purity and chastity from the servants of God.
43The words of Saint Basil.
CHAPTER XII
THOSE GOING AMONG THE SARACENS AND OTHER NON-BELIEVERS
12, 1Let those brothers who wish by divine inspiration to go among the Saracens or other non-believers ask permission, etc.
2Those who have attained, as a gift from God, true purity of heart and body by observance of evangelical poverty, humility and obedience, 3look with opened eyes from every angle on the breadth, the height, the sublimity, and depth of the infinite love of the Father, the immolated Word and the Holy Spirit, revealed and put before the faithful for their imitation in the cross to be adored and in the most sacred death of Christ, by the power and merit of which is given to the human race to be able to rise from the death of sin and hell to a life of grace and glory.
5Sant Francis, enkindled with this charity that casts out fear and that many waters cannot quench nor floods drown, made a chapter on perfect charity the end of his rule.
8For he understood, as Christ taught him, that, when the perfect love of Christ had inspired his brothers to die for Christ, then the fruits, the correct way of life and grace of the life and Rule revealed to him would be multiplied in the world. 9He would move them with desires and draw them irresistibly with strong convictions to go among the Saracens or other non-believers, so that, by their lives, actions and the witness of their blood to Jesus Christ, they might call back to true life those held by the death of sin and subject to everlasting damnation.
10In the Earlier Rule, confirmed for him by Pope Innocent, there is written on this point:
11The Lord says: Behold I am sending you like sheep in the midst of wolves. Therefore, be prudent as serpents and simple as doves.
15As for the bothers who go, they can live spiritually among the Saracens and non-believers in two ways.
19They can say to them and the others these and other things which please God because the Lord says in the Gospel:
22Wherever they may be, let all my brothers remember that they have given themselves and abandoned their bodies to the Lord Jesus Christ.
33He teaches those who profess and imitate the perfection of the life of Christ following his example out of perfect charity, to be on fire, more than all others, with zeal for the salvation of souls and by prayers, an example of holiness of life, by a word of preaching, and a ready acceptance of death, when necessary, to aspire with all their strength, not only for the faithful but also for non-believers, so that they may be converted to Christ. 34For their conversion and salvation they should be open to and offer themselves for travelling, works, difficulties and persecutions and martyrdom. 35But this is not for everyone, but only for those who are moved to this by an inspiration of the Spirit of Christ, who work with fervour and have accepted from heaven the ability for and gift of such a ministry. 36The ministers, therefore, without whose obedience it is not lawful for anyone to go to such arduous work, must examine and weigh the request with all diligence, lest the desire of those wanting to go arises from levity or some human will and does not come from divine inspiration.
39The holy man, Brother Peter John, says on this:
I judge that this is not put here only as a concession, but also deliberatively or for encouragement, or even prophetically, because just as the apostles were first sent to faithful Jews, among whom they were born, and after the death of Christ when the Jews to some degree had been attracted to Christ, they were sent to the Gentile nations of non-believers.
43Perhaps, because this will begin to be fulfilled in the thirteenth centenary of the passion of the Lord Jesus Christ, in accord with his appearance to the Magi in the thirteenth day of his life, and his sending Barnabas and Paul to the Gentiles in the thirteenth year after his passion,
Words of Peter John.
45Truly, according to the exposition of Joachim on the opening of the sixth seal in Revelation, the angel having the sign of the living God will be a Supreme Pontiff who will renew all things, like Ezra after the destruction of the city and temple.
52For according to the Apostle not all are Israelites that are of Israel, neither are all they that are the seed of Abraham, children,
57In addition to these points, I command the ministers through obedience to petition from our Lord the Pope for one of the Cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, etc.
58The beginning of this Rule is in accord with its ending. 59In the beginning of the Rule Brother Francis promises obedience and reverence to our Lord Pope Honorius and his successors canonically elected and to the Roman Church and all present and future, like limbs of him who is the head, are understood to be bound to do this with him and under him,
62He wants to have one of the Cardinals as a moderator between the Order and the Supreme Pontiff since the Order is not sufficient for its own government and the Supreme Pontiff is always too preoccupied with the care and governing of all the churches.
67Strongly protecting those under his care with a shield of good will and authority lest they be infected with any error in actions or faith, but by the example of life and by preaching the truth he corrects and leads back those in error and who go astray,
[EPILOGUE]
1By the gift of God, the wise man, Peter John, at the end of the words he wrote On the Rule said the following:
2Note that just as this Rule like a true sphere does not touch the surface of the ground other than at the point of simple and necessary use, and the whole of it revolves in circular motion around Christ and his Gospel, as around its inner centre, so like a circle its starting point is also its finishing. 3As it began with the Gospel and obedience to the Apostolic See, it finishes in the same way.
4These twelve chapters of the evangelical Rule are the twelve stars on the head of the woman, that is, the evangelical Religion adorned with the brightness and solar warmth of Christ.
6They are also twelve loaves laid out for us on the table of the Lord, because in these is the solid nourishment of our life.
8On this, so that something may clarify this briefly for you, note that the first six chapters correspond in a mystical sense with the works of the first six days.
15They are in harmony also with the seven ages of the world and the six ecclesiastical times. 16For just as in the first time of the Church the evangelical law began, a law that has to be explained until the end, so it is in the first chapter of the Rule. 17Also in the second, the martyrs reject the life of the body for an eternal life, so in the second chapter a secular life is rejected for a religious life. 18Just as in the third, ecclesiastical worship flowered under Constantine, so in the third chapter of the Rule statutes for divine praises, fasting, and the evangelical life are given and flower. 19As in the fourth, the anchorites left all, so in the fourth chapter money, cursed by the Apostle Peter on account of Simon, is left completely.
22In the last six chapters the kingdom of the Church of God is represented mystically. 23Just as, firstly, the Church was washed from its sins by the passion of Christ and its sacramental application, however, with the penitential satisfaction of the martyrs imposed on it until the times of Pope Sylvester. 24From then, General and provincial Councils were solemnly celebrated in the Church of Christ, the primacy of the Supreme Roman Pontiff and the Apostolic See shining forth. 25Then chaste cloisters of enclosed people began to shine more fully. 26And, finally, at the end after a fuller opening of the sixth seal we look for the conversion of non-believing nations and also of the Jews with the renewal of solemn martyrs. 27And by the angel of the sixth seal the twelve tribes of Israel were marked with the sign of Tau and an innumerable crowd of the nations will be brought forward and placed beside the throne of the Lamb, which is the same thing as his ecclesiastical and Apostolic See.
29This has been written by the man who more than all others of his times loved, commended and defended his Order, and whom Christ loved and made to shine in a singular way by his wisdom.
35From its beginning Satan desired to sift this Religion and to disturb it with a sevenfold temptation similar to the first;
40Just as evil, when it is not quickly checked, increases greatly, so disbelief and disobedience grew into presumption and impatience, and so they afflicted the firstborn and beloved child of the father. 41The killing, with lying defamation, of the just and innocent man who was walking rightly and faithfully, increased the sin of the successor and his companions.
45Alas, after this there increased in Italy, in Provenza and in other places tyrannical battles against those striving to observe the innocence and purity of the professed life, and they cried out under the altar of God once, twice and three times:
50The very force of the rule of Christ and the apostolic life is holy and tolerates with difficulty the use of its name by those who do not follow its way of life. 51The name of divine virtue is the Gospel of Christ and a way of life promised in accord with its perfection, and those who vow and observe it, fight strongly against Satan, the world and the flesh. 53To such people everything under heaven is vile and torments are light, because, in hope and love, they are already there where there are sure and eternal goods that Christ has prepared for them from the beginning of the world, he who is the Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end.
53He appeared to Saint Francis and said to him Follow me and keep to my footsteps; walk in my paths that all my apostles have trodden, they who were true lovers of my life and perfection.
54He who was a humble and most ardent imitator of Christ, says, towards the end of the Earlier Rule, of the praise and exhortation that all the brothers can use:
56Later, at the end of the Earlier Rule, he says of the admonition of the brothers: ‘All my brothers: let us pay attention to what the Lord says: Love your enemies’ etc and what comes after this until the end of the Earlier Rule.
- See Commentary, Preface, 1. (Hereinafter references to the commentary will be by the chapter number or Preface or Epilogue followed by the number in the text, e.g 6,23 = chapter six n. 23). ↑
- Preface, 1. ↑
- Preface 7. ↑
- 1,177. ↑
- 1,30. ↑
- 2,31. ↑
- 4,69. ↑
- Preface, 11. ↑
- 1,24. ↑
- Preface, 9. ↑
- 1,274; 2,217; 4,22; 4,37; Epilogue, 54. ↑
- 2,217; 12,39-44. ↑
- 2,152. ↑
- 1,278-298. ↑
- Preface, 3. ↑
- 2,175-194. ↑
- 2,179. ↑
- Epilogue, 39. ↑
- Epilogue, 39. ↑
- 10,139. ↑
- 10,82-83. ↑
- 8,50-51. ↑
- 1,89. ↑
- Preface, 3. ↑
- 10,64-74. ↑
- 10,76-81. ↑
- 10,75. ↑
- 1,16. ↑
- 9,29. ↑
- 1,102. ↑
- 1,91; 6,80; 2,78; 3,46; 4,13. ↑
- Preface, 20-21. ↑
- 4,39-41; Epilogue, 40-47. ↑
- 1,32. ↑
- 1,101. ↑
- 12,45-50. ↑
- Preface, 37. ↑
- LR 3, 3. ↑
- Rv 5:8-9; 14:3 quoted in the Commentary 3,54. ↑
- 3,55. ↑
- Jn 16:3. ↑
- 9,42. ↑
- 2,113. ↑
- 3,28.80-81.125; 3,61. ↑
- 1,21.180.278; 2,137.171; 3,80.97; 4,23.28; 6,102.355; 10,78.107.137; 11,2. ↑
- 1,25.33.123; 2,9.22.40.70.211; 3,31.42; 6,93; 9,32; 12,35.54. ↑
- LR 3,4; Commentary, 3,80-81. ↑
- 3,35-36. ↑
- 2,42. ↑
- 9,2-3 ↑
- Preface, 39-40. ↑
- 1,172. ↑
- 2,99. ↑
- 10,38. ↑
- 1,275-276. ↑
- 10,38-42. ↑
- It is important to verify the change being made in the passage from the Earlier Rule to the Later Rule, in so far as the problem of obedience is concerned. In the Later Rule it says that the brothers must obey their ministers in all that they have promised the Lord o observe and that are not contrary to their soul and to their Rule (10,4); in the Earlier Rule, instead, it was said explicitly to the brothers not to obey when commanded to do something contrary to their life and their soul, because such a case would no longer be a matter of obedience, but the committing of a sin or fault. ↑
- 10,29. ↑
- 10,29-31. ↑
- 10,39. ↑
- 10,38-42. ↑
- 6,498. ↑
- Letter, 63. ↑
- Letter, 63. ↑
- 6,498. ↑
- Letter, 34 of April 1313. ↑
- Epilogue, 29-30. ↑
- Epilogue, 31-33. ↑
- Letter 29 of 29 December 1330. ↑
- In the letters of Clareno there are brothers listed with the name of Brother Thomas (Clareni Epistolae, 5.34.62). It is not easy to know if the reference is to one or to more persons; for the rest he is unknown; see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 1, note 1. The Later Rule is given and retained as ‘divinely inspired’, but this is a mistake because only the word of God, Sacred Scripture, is ‘divinely inspired’ (2 Tm 3:16; 2 Pt 1:21). Nevertheless, Clareno and the Spirituals retain it as such and for its sake defend, live and fight for it (see Preface 7.32; 1,7.11.89.170. 177.286; etc.). ↑
- See Mk 16:20; Acts 8:13. ↑
- See 10,82; AC 101 (FA:ED II 205); Int. Regulae 4 (DAF I, Pasztor, p. 656); IMP 2 (FA:ED III 255); Lk 1:3.4 ↑
- See 1 Cor 11:23. ↑
- LR Prol. (FA:ED I 99). ↑
- See 2 Cor 1:3. ↑
- See Mt 10:2; Clareni Epistolae 24 (pp. 115,20-116,14); BPr 1,5-11 (FA:ED III 33-34). We have no exact knowledge of the name, order of arrival, or the number of the first companions of Saint Francis: there is at the beginning an anonymous brother (Peter Cattanii?): 1C 1,10,24; 1,10,25 (FA:ED I 203; 204); L3C 12,52 (FA:ED II 98); AP 2-3,10-17 (FA:ED II 37-39). There is a Brother Bernard: 1C 1,10,24 (FA:ED I 203); 2C 75,109 (FA:ED II 319); LMj 3,3 (FA:ED II 543-544); L3C 8,27 (FA:ED II 85); Brother Giles: 1C 9,25 (FA:ED I 204); LMj 3,4 (FA:ED II 544); L3C 9,32 (FA:ED II 87); Brother Sylvester: 2C 75,109 (FA:ED II 319); LMj 3,5 (FA:ED II 544); L3C 9,30 (FA:ED II 86); three others: Brothers Sabbatino, Morico, and John of Capella: L3C 9,35 (FA:ED II 88); Brother Phillip the Tall: 1C 10,25 (FA:ED I 204); another anonymous brother: 1C 12,29 (FA:ED I 207); LMj 3,7 (FA:ED II 546); another four anonymous: 1C 12,31 (FA:ED I 209); LMj 3,7 (FA:ED II 546); L3C 12,46 tit. (FA:ED II 95). In all there should be twelve: sometimes including and sometimes not including Francis: L3C 12,46 (FA:ED II 95). On this question see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, note 2, pp. 3-5; O. Englebert, Saint Francis of Assisi, Chicago 1965, II ed., pp. 427-440: Appendix VII; E. Grau, Die ersten Brüder des hl. Franziskus, in ‘Franziskanische Studien’ 40 (1958) 132-144; see Mt 27:5. ↑
- See 2C 1,11,17 (FA:ED II 255-256); LMj 3,10 (FA:ED II 548); LJS 4,21 (FA:ED I 384); L3C 12,51 (FA:ED II 98). ↑
- See 1,39; 4,44. See AC 101 (FA:ED II 205) in consilio; Int. Regulae 3 (DAF I, p. 85 in concilio; Pasztor, p. 656 in concilio); L3C 12,51 (FA:ED II 98) in consistorio; IMP 12,26 (FA:ED III 276) in concistorio; Chronica XXIV Generalium, AF III, p. 9,14-16 in concilio. ↑
- The Bull Solet annuere of 29 November 1223 of Honorius III (BF I, n. 14, p. 15); LR Prol. (FA:ED I 99). ↑
- See 12,44. This is the third attempt at a journey and it was partially successful on the part of Francis with the Saracens: 1C 1,12,57 (FA:ED I 231); LMj 9,7 (FA:ED II 602); HTrb 1,1 (FA:ED 399). ↑
- See Rom 8:29. ↑
- See Lk 9:3. ↑
- See LR 1,1 and 12,4 (FA:ED I 100 and 106). ↑
- See Rom 1:20. ↑
- AC 102 (FA:ED II 206-207); Int. Regulae 6 (DAF I, p. 88; Pasztor, p. 657); 2MP 1,3 (FA:ED III 257); see also Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 8, note 1. ↑
- AC 106 (FA:ED II 212); Int. Regulae 16 (DAF I, pp. 98-99; Pasztor, p. 661); 2MP 1,11 (FA:ED III 265); HTrb 12 (FA:ED III 399-400). See 2 Pt 1:18; Jn 21:24. ↑
- See 2 Tm 3:16. See AC 17 (FA:ED II 132); Verba 4 (DAF I, p. 101-102; Pasztor, p. 662); LMj 4,11 (FA:ED II 558); 2MP 1 (FA:ED III 254). ↑
- For 32-34: This is contained at length in Chronicon, Trib. 1,11-13 (pp. 57,1-64,8). See 10,64; Mt 4:2. If the statement that Pope Honorius III was the Protector of Saint Francis and the Order is understood in a strict sense, it is not true. ↑
- See LR Prol. (FA:ED I 99). ↑
- See Hos 11:4. ↑
- See Eph 6:3; Ex 20:12; Ps 91:16; 33:4. ↑
- Clareni Epistolae 25 (p. 24,3-5) ↑
- This idea and concepts depend on Olivi Expositio 1 (p. 116,28-29). ↑
- See 1 Cor 3:10; Mt 7:24.25. ↑
- 2 Thes 2:10-11. ↑
- See Dt 17:6; Mt 18:16; 1 Cor 3:15. ↑
- LR 1,1-3 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- ER Prol. 2-4 (FA:ED I 63). ↑
- If the incident was in San Damiano see 2C 10,15 (FA:ED II 254); 3Cel 2,2 (FA:ED II 401); LMj 2,1 (FA:ED II 536); L3C 5,13 (FA:ED II 76); HTrb Prol. 61 (FA:ED III 383). For the biblical texts see Mt 16:24; Lk 9:23; Mk 8:34. ↑
- Gal 2:19. ↑
- See HTrb Prol. 243 (FA:ED III 390). ↑
- See 2 Tm 3:16. ↑
- For 12-17: Clareno follows here almost literally LMj 3,9 (FA:ED II 547-548); see 2C 1,16-17 (FA:ED II 254-256); L3C 12,49-51 (FA:ED II 96-98). ↑
- See Rom 8:17.29. ↑
- See Mt 5:45. ↑
- For 18-23: LMj 3,10 (FA:ED II 548); see 2C 1,11,16 (FA:ED II 255); 1,11,17 (FA:ED II 255-256); L3C 12,18 (FA:ED II 97-98). ↑
- Contained under vow: see Chronicon, Trib. 6,12 (p. 211,25-30) but that is a mistake; see 2,105. ↑
- LR 1,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See Lk 12:32; Jn 2:18. ↑
- Mt 25:40. ↑
- For 34-39: AC 101 (FA:ED II 204-205); Int. Regulae 2-3 (DAF I, pp. 84-85; Pasztor, pp. 655-656); 2MP 26 (FA:ED III 276). Clareno omits the quotation of Lk 12:32: Do not fear little flock that is found after the reference to Mt 25,40. See the note to the Preface 14 and 4,44; AC 101 (FA:ED II 205); Int. Regulae 3 (DAF I p. 85; Pasztor, p. 656); L3C 51 (FA:ED II 97-98); 2MP 26 (FA:ED III 276). See also Oliger, Clareni Expositio note 3 on pp. 16-17. ↑
- Lk 12:32. ↑
- See ER 6,3; 7,3 (FA:ED I 68); LR 1,2 (FA:ED I 100); 1C 1,16,38 (FA:ED I 217); 2C 109,148 (FA:ED II 342); LMj 6,5 (FA:ED II 572); AC 58 (FA:ED II 160); HTrb Prol. 85 (FA:ED III 384). There are yet other texts in which the brothers are called by Francis ‘Lesser’: see AC 9; 49; 97 (FA:ED II 123; 148; 200); 1MP 2; 12 (FA:ED III 216; 223); 2MP 10; 43; 44 (FA:ED III 263; 289; 290). ↑
- Sermons 113,1,1 (PL 38,648). ↑
- See 1 Cor 6:15; Eph 5:30. ↑
- Not Ambrose but the so called Ambrosiaster, Commentarium in Epistolam ad 1 Cor 12:23 (PL 17,262AB: ed. 1879). ↑
- St Basil the Great, Epistolae, classis I,2,2 (PG 32,223C.226AB) with some omissions by Clareno and in his own translation. ↑
- St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 6,2: De pace ob monachorum reconciliationem (PG 35,723A) according to the translation of Rufino d’Aquileia (see CSEL 36,210-211, Vindobonae 1910). The passage is quoted by St Bonaventure in Apologia Pauperum 10,8 (Op. omn. 8,307); in Expositio 2,17 (Op. omn. 8,403) and in Epistola de sandaliis Apostolorum 4 (Op. omn. 8,387) See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 18 note 2. ↑
- Pseudo-Dionysius, De ecclesiastica Hierarchia 6,3 (PG 3,531C), a quotation from a second hand during the time of the Scholastics. Philo of Alexandria, De vita contemplativa, quoted and interpreted by Eusebius of Caesarea in Historia Ecclesiastica 2,16-18 (PG 20,173B-188B, in particular 175A) according to the translation of Rufino d’Aquileia. For Saint Gregory Nazianzus it is difficult to know which work is being quoted. St Jerome, De viris illustribus 11 (PL 23,658B). It is also difficult to know which work of Saint Basil is being quoted. ↑
- See Mt 20:16. ↑
- St Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 132:6 (PL 37,1733; CCL 40, 1931, 32-36). Acts 4:32. ↑
- Fraternity in Greek is adelphótes; see St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 14; 15,1; 27; 31; 32; 34,1; 36; 41,1 etc. (PG 31,949C; 952C; 988A; 993B; 996A; 1000C; 1009A; 1026C; etc.); also in Regulae brevius tractatae, Interrog. 18; 72; 74 (PG 31,1094C; 1133A.C); Constitutiones monasticae 21,1 (PG 31,1394D); Epistolae, classis II,223,5 (PG 32,829). ↑
- St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 8,1-3 (PG 31,934D-942A). ↑
- St Basil the Great, Constitutiones monasticae 4,2 (PG 31,1350B); Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 37,1 (PG 31, 1010C); Regulae brevius tractatae, Resp. 304 (PG 31,1299AB); Sermo asceticus 3 (PG 31, 875C). ‘Evangelical life’: See St Basil the Great, Epistolae II,173, to the canon Theodora (PG 32,647C.650A). ↑
- For 66-67: St Jerome, Regula Monachorum, chapter IV: On poverty (PL 30,330B-335A). ↑
- For 68-69: St Jerome, Epistolae, XXII to Eustochius 35 (PL 22,420); Regulae Monachorum 2 (PL 30,325A). ↑
- See LR 2,11; 1,2 (FA:ED I 10; 100). ↑
- See LR 2,5 (FA:ED I 100); Mt 19:21. ↑
- See ER 2,5 (FA:ED I 64); LR 2,7 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See ER 2,13 (FA:ED I 65); LR 2,14 (FA:ED I 101); Test 16 (FA:ED I 125). ↑
- See LR 2,15 (FA:ED I 101); Mt 10:10; Lk 10:4; 20:35. ↑
- See ER 15,2 (FA:ED I 73); LR 3,12 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See ER 8,3; 8,8 (FA:ED I 69; 70); LR 4,1 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See the Bull Quo elongati of 28 September 1230 of Gregory IX (BF I, n. 56, p. 69A.E); Exivi de Paradiso of 6 May 1312 of Clement V (BF V, n. 195, p. 83b) see Seraphicae legislationis, art. 9,1: on not accepting inheritances (p. 249). ↑
- Bull Exivi de Paradiso of 6 May 1312 of Clement V (BF V, n. 195, p. 84a); Seraphicae legislatrionis, art. 11: On curias and lawsuits (pp. 250-251). ↑
- See 1 Cor 4:12. ↑
- For 81-82: ER 7,7-8; 8,2-3 (FA:ED I 69); LR 5,3-4 (FA:ED I 102-103); Test 20-22 (FA:ED I 125-126). ↑
- See LR 10,2-3 (FA:ED I 105); Test 27-28 (FA:ED I 127). ↑
- For 84-85: LR 6,1-2 (FA:ED I 103); Test 24 (FA:ED I 126); 1Pt 2:11; ↑
- See Test 24 (FA:ED I 126). ↑
- See LR 11,2 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- Mk 16:15. See LR 12,1-2 (FA:ED I 106); Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 23, note 2. ↑
- Test 25-26 (FA:ED I 126); see 1,116. ↑
- See Test 38-39 (FA:ED I 127); Clareni Epistolae 67 (p. 304,10-13). ↑
- Jn 18:36; 1:14; 2 Cor 10:3. ↑
- LR 6,5-6 (FA:ED I 103); see Ps 142:6. ↑
- Hugh of Digne, De finibus paupertatis, text published by Cl. Florovski in AFH 5 (1912) 290. ↑
- See 1 Jn 2:16; Col 3:3. ↑
- Phil 1:23. ↑
- See Gal 6:14.17; Col 3:2. ↑
- For the nakedness of Christ: See 1,91; 2,50.78; 3,46; 4,13; St Clare, Testament 45 in Regis Armstrong, Clare of Assisi: Early Documents, rev. ed., New York: Franciscan Institute Publications 1993, p. 59; LMj 14, 4 (FA:ED II 642-643); L3C 7,22 (FA:ED II 83); Clareni Epistolae 43 (p. 205,8-9); 50 (p. 254,33-155 [255 ?], 1); 57 (p. 275,13); 82 (p. 345,26); Chronicon, Trib 4, 1 (p. 108,6-7). Biblical text: 1 Pt 2:11; LR 6,3 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- See Phil 4:7. ↑
- See 1 Cor 4:12; LR 5,3-4 (FA:ED I 102-103); Test 22 (FA:ED I 125). ↑
- See ER 15,2 (FA:ED I 73); LR 3,12 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See LR 11,2 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- See LR 11,3 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- Lk 3:8; 1 Cor 1:17; see LR 9,3 (FA:ED I 105); ER 21,3 (FA:ED I 78). ↑
- See LR 12,1-2 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- 2 Cor 8:2; Mk 8:34; Phil 3:10; Test 25-26 (FA I 126). ↑
- See 2 Cor 5:8. ↑
- These places of St Paul, probably visited by Clareno, are mentioned also in Clareni Apologia 137,1-4, in AFH 39 (1946) 157. ↑
- See LR 2,12-13 (FA:ED I 101); Lk 9:62; Bull Cum secundum consilium of 22 September 1220 of Honorius III (BF I, num. 5, p. 6); Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 28, note 1. ↑
- See Mt 12:44-45. ↑
- See Pseudo-Dionysius, De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia 6,1,3; 6,3,3-5 (PG 3,532-536). ↑
- For 132-134: J. Gribomont, L’‘Expositio’ d’Ange Clareno sur la Règle des Frères Mineurs et la tradition monastique primitive, in ‘Lettura delle Fonti Francescane: il 1400’, Rome 1981, (p. 404), suggests to search in Cassian, Collationes (49,481-1328), or in John Climacus, Scala Paradisi (PG 88,632-1164). They are not found in either the Greek or Latin texts of Verba Seniorum. ↑
- See St Macarius of Egypt, Apophthegmata Patrum, Macarius 2 (81) (PG 65,259B and 262A) taken from a Latin translation of the sixth century attributed to John Pelagius; Vitae Patrum, Verba Seniorum 3, 3 (PL 73,1006D-1007AB). ↑
- Something similar is related in Apophthegmata Patrum, Basil 1 (73) (PG 65,137B). Clareno is translating directly from Greek. ↑
- John Cassian, Collationes 3,7 (PL 49,568CD). ↑
- Is 9:3. ↑
- See Mt 20:16. ↑
- See Lk 18:8. ↑
- See Mt 24:15; Mk 13:14. ↑
- For 143-144: This quote attributed to St Nilus has not been found. ↑
- S. Macarius, Vitae Patrum, 5,6,6 (PL 73,889B); Apophthegmata Patrum, Theodore di Ferme 1 (57) (PG 65,187A), taken from a collection of sayings translated in the sixth century by John Pelagius. ↑
- The quotation from Pastor or Poemen has not been found. See 2,202-203. ↑
- Apophthegmata Patrum, Poemen 91 (47) (PG 65,343BC); Vitae Patrum 5,10,54 (PL 73,922A), in the translation of John Pelagius. See 1,204; Rom 12:17; 1 Pt 3:9. ↑
- Aegyptiorum Patrum Sententiae 82 (PL 74,391C) in the Latin translation of Martin di Dumio. ↑
- For 149-154: St John Climacus, Scala Paradisi, grad. 1 (PG 88,634CD) in Clareno’s own translation. ↑
- For 155-159: Ibid., grad. 23 (PG 88,970AB). ↑
- Test 14 (FA:ED I 125). ↑
- LR 1,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- LR 12,4 (FA:ED I 106); see Olivi Expositio 1,I,B,4 (p. 119,28-33). ↑
- See 2C 32,62 (FA:ED II 288). ↑
- See AC 102 (FA:ED II 206); Int. Regulae 5 (DAF I, p. 87; Pasztor, p. 657); 2MP 1,3 (FA:ED III 256); HTrb 1,153 (FA:ED III 406). See Mt 23:5.7; Jn 12:6. ↑
- See 1,24; 2,105; Gal 1,1; Clareni Apologia 46,2 in AFH 39 (1946) 110. ↑
- See Preface 40. ↑
- Gal 6:16. ↑
- LR 1,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See Heb 8:5. ↑
- See 1Jn 2:16. ↑
- See Mt 5:39. ↑
- See Lk 6:30. ↑
- Mt 5:37. ↑
- Mt 18:9; see Mt 5:29; Mk 9:46. ↑
- Mt 6:1. ↑
- See Mt 7:5; Lk 6:42; Mt 23:4. ↑
- Lk 12:22; see Mt 6:25. ↑
- Lk 17:3; see Mt 18:15. ↑
- For 194-202: St Basil, Epistolae, classis I,173 (PG 32,647C-650B). The translation is that of Clareno and the quotation finishes with the words ‘very few’. See J. Gribomont, Les Règles épistolaires de St. Basile: Lettres 173 et 22, in ‘Antonianum’ 54 (1979) 255-287. ↑
- Clareno’s Latin is rather obscure. The Italian translation is taken in part from Migne. ↑
- See 1,147; Rom 12:17; 1 Thes 5:15; 1 Pt 3:9. For 202-224: St Basil the Great, Epistolae, classis I, 22,1-3 (PG 32,287B-294B). The passage begins with the words ‘however to the many living’. The translation, often obscure, is from Clareno himself. ↑
- See Eph 4:30. ↑
- See Ti 2:3. ↑
- See 1Cor 9:25. ↑
- See 1Cor 10:31. ↑
- Lk 3:8; see Mt 3:8. ↑
- Mt 18:17. ↑
- See Eph 4:26. ↑
- See 1Tm 6:8. ↑
- Ps 119:120. ↑
- LR 1,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- Adm 3,3-4 (FA:ED I 130). ↑
- For 250-251: SalV 14 (FA:ED I 165); see Jn 19:11. ↑
- The monk must be Paul of Thebes – see Apophthegmata Patrum, Paul of Thebes 1 (21) (PG 65,379D-382A) – according to the translation of John Pelagius, and the Pratum Spirituale 18 of John Mosco (PG 87/3,2866A): but there the reference is to two small lions, captured near the Jordan. ↑
- The old person is Pseudo-Bernard, De Statu virtutum 2,26 (PL 184,805A); see J. Leclercq, Recueil d’études sur S. Bernard et ses écrits, II, Rome 1966, pp. 51-67 (in ‘Storia e Letteratura’ 104). For the ‘great old man’ see 6,482. ↑
- SalV11 (FA:ED I 165); see Lk 21:34; Mt 13:22. ↑
- Adm 11,2-3 (FA:ED I 133); see Mt 22:21. ↑
- Adm 14,4 (FA:ED I 133-134); see Lk 14:26; Mt 5:39. ↑
- See 1Cor 12:28; 13:2. ↑
- See Rom 8:8. ↑
- See Wis 1:4. ↑
- LR 1,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See Heb 10:29; 1 Jn 2:16. ↑
- LR 1,2-3 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See Preface 40; 1,172. ↑
- For 278-298: The long quotation of verses 278-298 is found in the so called Ms. Little 39 (f. 77v-78v), (now: Oxford, Bodleian Library, cod. lat. Theol. d. 23); in Verba fratris Conradi 12,4-22 published by P. Sabatier in OCH 1 (1903) 386-390; they are found also in AFH 20 (1927) 283-285) in another context. The review MF has a similar text: MF 7 (1898) 135b-136b. The Legenda vetus of Sabatier has a small quotation from it in Chapter 1,1-11 in OCH 1 (1902) 87-90, corresponding to verses 284-294. For an opinion on the question see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, note 2 on pp. 44-45 and note 1, p. 46. The texts quoted above refer to the situation of struggle in the Order and in the Church in the years 1321-1322. See Mt 24:12. ↑
- See Mt 24:22.24. ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:2. ↑
- See Ps 28:4; Jer 32:19. ↑
- This is found also in Clareni Epistolae 25 (p. 127,17-27); 35 (p. 180,1-5). ↑
- For 284-294: See Leg. Vetus of Sabatier 1,1-11, in OCH 1 (1902) 87-90. For 291-294: See 4,31-41; Jn 16:2. ↑
- See Gen 1:16; Ps 136:7. ↑
- See Is 6:10; Mt 13:15; Ps 69:24. ↑
- See Acts 5:29. ↑
- See 1 Pt 2:21. ↑
- Lk 18:22; Mt 19:21. ↑
- Mt 16:24; see Lk 9:23. ↑
- See Lk 14:26. ↑
- See Mt 19:29; Mk 10:29; Lk 18:2. For 300-304: See ER 1,1-5 (FA:ED I 63-64). ↑
- For 305-309: See ER 2,1-4 (FA:ED I 64); see Mt 19:21. ↑
- For 310-312: See ER 2,5-7 (FA:ED I 64). ↑
- See Lk 9:62. ↑
- For 313-317: See ER 2,8-12 (FA:ED I 64-65). ↑
- See Lk 7:25; Mt 11:8. ↑
- For 318-320: See ER 2,14-20 (FA:ED I 65). ↑
- LR 2,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See Chronicon, Trib. 1,9 (p. 53,15-32). ↑
- For 6-7: A similar idea is found in Clareni Epistolae 14 (p. 75,9-11). ↑
- See Phil 2:21. ↑
- Bull Quo elongatii of 28 September 1230 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 56, p. 70A), and Gloriantibus vobis of 19 June 1241 of Gregory IX (BF I, num 344, p. 298). See Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 2,23-39 (pp. 128-129). ↑
- John Cassian, De Coenobiorum Institutis 4,3 (PL 49,154A-155A); idem, Collationes 1,1-2 (PL 49,477C-485A); St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 10,1-2 (PG 31,943C-947A); see St Benedict, Rule 73,5. ↑
- See Test 38-39 (FA:ED I 127); AC 17 (FA:ED II 131-132); Verba 4 (DAF I, pp. 101-103; Pasztor, p. 662); 2MP 1,1 (FA:ED III 253-254). ↑
- See Test 25 (FA:ED I 126). ↑
- Taken from Quatuor Magistri Expositio, preface 4-9 and 2,36-38 (pp. 123 and 129) dependent on Olivi Expositio 2,I,B,1a (p. 123,18-22). See Bull Gloriantibus vobis of 19 June 1241 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 344, p. 298AB). ↑
- In 16-18 Clareno is quoting from Olivi Expositio 2,I,B,1a (pp. 123,29-124,1). For 17-18: Quatuor Magistri Expositio 2,53-61 (p. 130). Clareno is summarizing a little and leaves out some sections. ↑
- LR 9,2 (FA:ED I 104-105). See Bull Quo elongati of 28 September 1230 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 56, p. 69E). ↑
- For 19-20: Also from the Quatuor Magistri Expositio 9,4-5 and 9,11-16 (pp. 163 and 163-164), dependent on Olivi Expositio 2,I,B,1a (p. 124,4-6, more 9-12). For 20: See Clareni Apologia 76,3-5, in AFH 39 (1946) 126. See also the Bull Prohibente Regula of 12 December 1240 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 325, p. 287). ↑
- See 1,278ff.; and Clareni Epistolae 14 (p. 74,20-24). ↑
- See 1,292ff. ↑
- AC 106 (FA:ED II 212-213); Int. Regulae 16 (DAF I, p. 99; Pasztor, p. 661); 2MP 1,11 (FA:ED III 265). ↑
- AC 106 (FA:ED II 212); Int. Regulae 16 (ibidem); 2MP 1,11(FA:ED III 265). ↑
- See Ps 103:11; Is 55:9. ↑
- See Mt 7:14; Rom 16:26. ↑
- LR 2,2 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- LR 2,4 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- This information comes from Olivi Expositio 2,I,B,2 (pp. 126,24-28). ↑
- See Mt 19:21; Mk 10:21; Lk 18:22. ↑
- LR 2,5 (FA:ED I 100); see Mt 19:21. ↑
- Naked – naked cross: See note to 1,102. Col 3:1.2. ↑
- 2C 2,49,81 (FA:ED II 300); see LMj 7,2 (FA:ED II 578); AC 62 (FA:ED II 165). ↑
- Related by John Cassian, De Coenobiorum Institutis 7,19 (PL 49,312B). ↑
- For 54-56: See Apophthegmata Patrum, Anthony 20 (35) (PG 65,82C); St Anthony Abbot, Dicta quaedam (PG 40,1099BC); Vitae Patrum 5,6,1 (PL 73,888BC). ↑
- See Jn 10:9; Lk 6:48. ↑
- See LMj 7,2 (FA:ED II 578); Clareni Apologia 129,16-19, in AFH 39 (1946) 154. ↑
- LMj 7,4 (FA:ED II 579); 2C 2,37,67 (FA:ED II 291-292). ↑
- See Mt 19:21. ↑
- LR 2,6 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See St Jerome Epistolae 53,10, ad Paulinum (PL 22,549). Clareno quotes the two passages in inverse order. ↑
- Lk 9:61.62. ↑
- See Mt 13:7.22. ↑
- LR 2,7 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- For 69-70: see St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 8,1-3 and 9,1-2 (PG 31,934D-943B); Regulae brevius tractatae, Resp. 304 (PG 31,1299AB); Epistolae II,150,3 (PG 32,606AB). ↑
- LR 2,8 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- From Olivi Expositio 2,I,B,4 (p. 129,15-16); see Mt 19:21. ↑
- Vitae Patrum, Verba Seniorum 7,2,1 (PL 73,1028D-1029A). This is a saying about Pascasius; see also 3,67 (PL 73,772B). ↑
- Apocryphal acts of the Apostle Andrew that have not been found. ↑
- Ideas expressed in ScEx 19 (FA:ED I 535). ↑
- LR 2,9 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See 1 Jn 2:16. ↑
- See Lk 13:7.8. ↑
- See Gn 29:18.20. ↑
- Lk 3:21.23. ↑
- See Jn 4:18; Is 3:7; Mt 21:40; 1 Cor 13:8. For 86-87: St John Climacus, Scala Paradisi, Grad. 4 (PG 88,695A). ↑
- See Heb 5:7. ↑
- See LR 2,14 (FA:ED I 101); Mt 18:3; John Cassian, De Coenobiorum Institutis 1,4; 1,6 (PL 49,68 and 71). ↑
- For 91-92: For Clareno’s description of the habit see Chronicon, Trib. 7,3 (pp. 221,18-222,10). ↑
- St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 15,1 (PG 31,951BC). ↑
- LR 2,10 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- LR 2,11-12 (FA:ED I 101). Bull Cum secundum consilium of 22 September 1220 of Honorius III (BF I, num. 5, p. 6D); see Lk 9:62. ↑
- A similar text is found in 1,256-257 from Pseudo-Bernard, De Statu virtutum 2,26 (PL 184,805A). ↑
- There is a hint of this meaning in Olivi Expositio 2,II,1b (p. 130,23-27); Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 2,103-110 (p. 132). ↑
- For 103-104: Mt 11:28-30. ↑
- See 1,24: ‘contained in the vow’, but this is an error (see Chronicon, Trib. 6,12: p. 211,25-30, and is contrary to what had been pointed out by Pope Gregory IX in the Bull Quo elongati of 28 September 1230 (BF I, num. 56, p. 68DE); Innocent IV in the Bull Ordinem vestrum of 14 November 1245 (BF I, num. 114, p. 400C); Nicholas III in the Bull Exiit qui seminat of 14 August 1279 (BF III, num. 127, p. 406B-407C); and Clement V in the Bull Exivi de Paradiso of 6 May 1312 (BF V, num. 195, p. 81). ↑
- See 1,22; LR 2,12 (FA:ED I 101); LR 2,12-13 (FA:ED I 101) ↑
- See Lk 9:62; Bull Cum secundum consilium of 22 September 1220 of Honorius III (BF I, num. 5, p. 6D). ↑
- LR 2,14 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See John Cassian, De Coenobiorum Institutis 1,3-10 (PL 49,64-78); St Dorotheus, Doctrina 1,12-13 (PG 88,1631C-1634A); Rufinus of Aquileia, Historia Monachorum 3 (PL 21,407C); St Pachomius, Regula 81-105 (PL 23,77A-79A), Vitae Patrum 4,15 (PL 73,825BD). ↑
- See Lk 9:2.3. ↑
- See Jn 16:13; Test 16 (FA:ED I 125). ↑
- Test 16 (FA:ED I 125); Tb 1:3; Mt 19:21. ↑
- See Chronicon, Trib. 2, 6 (pp. 83,11-84,16). ↑
- For 115-116: See Chronica XXIV Generalium, Tempora fratris Crescentii, AF III, p. 263,1-5. ↑
- See AC 101; 102 (FA:ED II 204; 206); Int. Regulae 1 and 5 (DAF I, p. 84 and 87; Pasztor, pp. 655 and 656); 2MP 2 (FA:ED III 255). ↑
- AC 105 (FA:ED II 210); Int. Regulae 12 (DAF I, p. 94; Pasztor, p. 659); 2MP 4 (FA:ED III 258). ↑
- LMj 14,3 (FA:ED II 642); 2C 2,162,214 (FA:ED II 386); see 1 Kgs 19:20; Eph 4:21. ↑
- 2C 2,39,69 (FA:ED II 293); Mt 11:8. We do not have the Legend of Brother John of Celano. ↑
- LMj 5,1 (FA:ED II 561). ↑
- LMj 5,2 (FA:ED II 561); see 2 Cor 11:27. ↑
- LMj 5,2 (FA:ED II 561). See Mt 11:8; Lk 7:25. ↑
- LR 4,2 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- For 130-131: St Jerome, Epistolae 120,1, Ad Hebidiam (PL 22,985), with a short omission made by Clareno. ↑
- Rabbanus Maurus, In Matthaeum 3, 10 (PL 107, 873AB). ↑
- See Acts 2:4; 4:8.13; 13:9; Phil 1:23. ↑
- For 140-142: See St Basil the Great, Epistolae, classis I,2,1, to Gregory (PG 32,223A). See 1 Cor 4:12. St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 16,1 (PG 31,958AB); Resp. 20-22 (PG 31,970-982); see also Resp. 19,2 (PG 31,970A). Quoted in Clareni Apologia 106,10-11, in AFH 39 (1946) 142.. ↑
- St Basil the Great, Epistolae, classis II,150,3-4, to Amphilochius (PG 32,603C-606C); see the quotations in Clareni Apologia 76,7-10 and 106,7-9, in AFH 39 (1946) 125 and 142. ↑
- St Maximus, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, Quaest. 4 (PG 90,275CD; CCG 7,61). See Jn 19:23. See the quotation in Clareni Apologia 76,8-10, in AFH 29 (1946) 126. ↑
- See LMj 12,1-2 (FA:ED II 622-623); Acts 16,8.12; Officium S. Francisci, at Lauds, 18, Ant. 1,4 (in AF X, p. 383); 1C 1,14,35 (FA:ED I 214); LJS 4,23 (FA:ED I 384-385); see nudus in LMj 14,4 (FA:ED II 642-643). See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 69, note 2. ↑
- See Gal 6:14. ↑
- For 153-154: Simon Metafrastes, that is Vita S. Gregorii Thaumaturgi, but the author is St Gregory of Nyssa (PG 46,955A). See Clareni Apologia 104,30-36, in AF 39 (1946) 141. See Mt 8:20; Lk 9:58; Heb 13:12.14. ↑
- LR 2, 16 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- LMj 5, 2 (FA:ED II 561). See Mt 11:7.8. ↑
- LMj 5, 2 (FA:ED II 561). ↑
- St Jerome, De viris illustribus, Abbot Anthony 88 (PL 23,731B); see Rufinus Historia Monachorum, Macarius, the old Egyptian 28 (PL 21,449C-452C); Macarius, the Alexandrian youth 29 (PL 21,452C-455C). Pambo is quoted in Clareni Epistole 70 (p. 318,1) together with St Anthony Abbot, and others. The sayings of Pambo are found in Apophthegmata Patrum, Pambo 1-14 (PG 65, 367B-371B). Elenus is found in Historia Monachorum 11 of Rufinus (PL 21,429B-432A). ↑
- See 6,355; I do not know where it occurs in St Jerome. But Paphnutius is spoken of in the abovementioned Kefala, that can be seen in the Historia Lausiaca 91, of Palladius (PG 34,1198C); in the edition of C. Butler, The Lausiac History of Palladius, II, Cambridge 1904, pp. 137,8-9 and 138,2-9. This is not the better known Paphnutius described for us by Palladius in Historia Lausiaca 62-65 (PG 34,1166B-1173A), or in Historia Monachorum 16 of Rufinus (PL 21,435B-438B). ↑
- See Lk 7:25. ↑
- See 2,151; Phil 1:23; 2 Cor 8,:2. ↑
- Vita S. Fulgentii Ruspensis 18,37 (PL 65,136A). See 2 Sm 15:30; 16:13. ↑
- I do not know from where Clareno has taken this. ↑
- See LR 2,15 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:2. ↑
- See Gal 5:24. ↑
- See LR 2,16 (FA:ED I 101); Acts 2:4; Heb 11:37-38. ↑
- See Rom 8:3; 1 Cor 1:25.28; 2LtCus 2-3 (FA:ED I 60). ↑
- See 2,151; St Jerome, Vita S. Pauli primi Eremitae 12 (PL 23,26C: ed. 1883). ↑
- For 175-194: The vision of the statue, borrowed from Dan 2:31-43 is repeated many times in Franciscan documents: see 2C 2,50,82 (FA:ED II 301); HTrb Prol. 330 (FA:ED III 395); M. Bigaroni, Vita del povero et humile Servo de Dio Francesco, Assisi 1985, ch. 10, pp. 39-44; MF 9 (1901) 97-98; Chronica XXIV Generalium (AF III, p. 231,5-10); Bartholomew of Pisa, De conformitate vitae beati Francisci ad vitam Domini Iesu (AF V, 163,10-165,20). Actus 25 (ed. J. Campbell, Assisi 1988, pp. 298-310). See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 73, note 2. ↑
- See Dan 2:32-33. ↑
- See 2 Cor 4:10; Gal 6:17. ↑
- See 1 Cor 8:1. ↑
- See Dicta beati Aegidii, Ad Claras Aquas 1905, p. 91: ‘Bo, bo, I preach much and do little’; see AF III,86,14. ↑
- For 188-190: See Actus 64,9. ↑
- LR 2,16 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- LR 2,17 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See Mt 22:37; Mk 12:30; LR 2,17 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- In Apophthegmata Patrum, Theophilus of Alexandria 1 (78) (PG 65,198CD); Vitae Patrum, Verba Seniorum 5,15,19 (PL 73,957C). ↑
- For 202-203: For Pastor, or Poemen, Abbot see 1,146-147. In Apophthegmata Patrum, Poemen 95 and 98 (PG 65,346A and C) according to the collection arranged by Pelagius Giovanni. Lk 6:37; see Mt 7:1. ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:10. ↑
- Phil 2:21. ↑
- See Ps 77:11. ↑
- See Lk 2:3; Eph 3:8; Rv 9:13; LMj Prol. 1; 13, 9 (FA:ED II 527; 637). ↑
- LR 3,1 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- ER 3,1-2 (FA:ED I 65); see Mk 9:28; Mt 17:20; 6:16. ↑
- Two verses from chapter three of the Earlier Rule found in some codices: see H. Boehmer, Analekten zur Geschichte des Franciscus von Assisi, Tübingen 1904, ed. III 1961, p. 2,29-30. See Mt 26:41; Mk 14:38; Lk 11:2; Mt 6:9. ↑
- See Ps 51:3-21; Mt 6:9-13. ↑
- See Ps 130:1-8. ↑
- For 8-14: ER 3,3-9 (FA:ED I 65-66). ↑
- See 4 Esdras 2:34. ↑
- For 15-18: ER 3,10 (FA:ED I 66). ↑
- For 19-22: ER 3,11-13 (FA:ED I 66); see Lk 10:8. ↑
- For 25-26: Jn 4:23-24. ↑
- See Dt 19:15; 18:16. ↑
- Ex 29:41. ↑
- See Rom 8:8; Ps 66:15. ↑
- LR 3,2 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See 2C 2,32,62 (FA II 288); L3C 11,43 (FA:ED II 94); 2MP 3,68 (FA:ED III 313); Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 82, note 1. ↑
- See Jn 17:3. ↑
- See Lk 2:7. St John Chrysostom, Homilia in illud: ‘exiit edictum’ 3 (Lk 2:1), (PG 50,799-800); see also Homilia in diem Natalem 3 (PG 49,354), where there is but little material. ↑
- See Mk 1:13; Lk 6:12; Heb 5:7; Lk 23:46. ↑
- See 2,79; 4,12; ScEx 21 (FA:ED I 536); Mk 15:46; Lk 23:53. ↑
- LR 3,3-4 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- For 50-51: St John Climacus, Scala Paradisi, Grad. 26 (PG 88,1014A; 1018AB), The translation has been made by Clareno. See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 83, note 6. See Rom 12:17. ↑
- St John Climacus, Scala Paradisi, Grad. 26 (PG 88,1018D in Latin, C in Greek). ↑
- See Rv 5:8.9; 14:3. ↑
- For 56-75: On a parenthetic use of the Alphabet, see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 85, note 3. ↑
- See 2 Cor 1:3; Ex 29:41. ↑
- LR 3,3 (FA:ED I 101); Jn 1:29. ↑
- LR 3,3 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- LR 3,4 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See 1 Cor 10:16; 12:12.27; Jas 5:16; 2 Mc 12:46. ↑
- See 2 Mc 12:46. ↑
- Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 3,11-12 (pp. 137-138). ↑
- LR 3,1 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- Bull Pio vestro Collegio of 7 June 1241 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 342, p. 296); and of 20 June 1244 of Innocent IV (BF I, num. 50, p. 344). See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 88, note 5; p. 89, note 1; E. Clop. Saint François et la liturgie de la Chapelle papale, in AFH 19 (1926) 753-802. ↑
- Older Cardinals: either John Colonna (1278-1318), or Napoleon Orsini (1288-1342). ↑
- LR 3,5 (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- See Rom 12:1. ↑
- For 96-97: See Mt 9:15-16; Mk 2:19-20. ↑
- LR 3,8 (FA:ED I 101-102). ↑
- See Rom 14:7.8. ↑
- LR 3,9 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- LR 3,9 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See Olivi Expositio 3,II,2 (p. 138,13-15). ↑
- LR 3,14 (FA:ED I 102); Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 3,24-29 (pp. 138-139). ↑
- See preceding note. ↑
- LR 3,10 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- LR, Chapter 3, Heading (FA:ED I 101). ↑
- LR 3,10 (FA:ED I 102); see Jn 1:29. ↑
- See Mt 10:16; Lk 10:3. ↑
- For 114-119: The admonition of Saint Francis, with its echoes of the beatitudes is in LR 3,11 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See Phil 4:7. ↑
- LR 3,12 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See Jn 4:6; Mt 9:35; 10:9.10. ↑
- Mt 10:16; Lk 10:3. ↑
- See Mk 16:15. ↑
- See Jn 12:32; Heb 5:7. ↑
- LR 3,13 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- Test 23 (FA:ED I 126) see Nm 6:26. ↑
- See Eph 2:14; Phil 4:7; Lk 10:27. ↑
- Ps 119:165; see Lk 2:14. ↑
- LR 3,14 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- For 134-135: St John Chrysostom, In Matthaeum Evangelistam Homilila 32 (33), 5 (PG 57,383-384). Probably a Latin translation of Borgundio of Pisa, thirteenth century, made in Constatinople and on whom Clareno relies. ↑
- St Jerome, Commentarium in Epistolam ad Titum 1,7 (PL 26,602B: ed. 1884); see 1 Tm 6:8. ↑
- See Ps 55:23; Lk 12:31. ↑
- LR 4,1 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See Rom 10:10; Phil 3:20; Col 3:1-2. ↑
- LR 1,1 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- See Phil 3:20. ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:10. ↑
- See Mt 10:9. ↑
- See Acts 3:6. ↑
- See 2,79; 3,47; ScEx 19 (FA:ED I 535); Testament of Saint Clare 45 in Regis Armstrong, Clare of Assisi: Early Documents, rev. ed., New York: Franciscan Institute Publications 1993, p. 59; L3C 7,22 (FA:ED II 81). See Lk 2:12.16; 6:12. ↑
- See Heb 5:7; Lk 23:46. ↑
- See Eph 4:10; Rv 5:7. ↑
- See Jn 18:36; Mk 10:24; Mt 19:23. ↑
- Mk 10:25; Mt 19:24. ↑
- See Mt 6:24; Lk 16:13. ↑
- Sir 10:9-10. ↑
- For 19-20: Sir 31:8-9; see Eph 5:5. ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:9. ↑
- See Jos 7:1. ↑
- See Mt 27:3.5. ↑
- See 2 Kgs 5:26-27. ↑
- See Sir 48:1; Jn 5:35; Rv 11:3.4. ↑
- See 1 Cor 15:47.49. ↑
- Heb 5:7. ↑
- See Rv 1:5; 3:14; Jn 1:8; Mt 18:16; Dt 19:15; Jn 18:36. ↑
- See Rv 3:14; 1 Jn 5:19. ↑
- See 1 Jn 2:16; Jn 1:5; Rv 3:14. ↑
- See Mt 25:1.2. ↑
- LR 4,1 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- Jas 3:14. ↑
- See 1,294; Jn 16:2. ↑
- For 39-41: See 1,292-294; Chronicon, Trib. Proemio 4 (p. 21,18-34; FF 2136). ↑
- LR 4,1 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:2. ↑
- See ER Prol 2 (FA:ED I 63). See note for Preface 14 and 1,39. ↑
- Eccl 1:2; 12:8. ↑
- See 2 Cor 11:26; Gal 2:4; Jn 12:6. ↑
- For 45-56: ER 8,1-12 (FA:ED I 69-70). ↑
- LR 4,1 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See 1Cor 4:12. ↑
- The ownership and use, or less, of money are one of the most important aspects of poverty, argued and struggled over right from the beginning of the Order. On the definition of ‘money’ see Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 4,7-12; 4,35-53 (pp. 141-143); Clareni Apologia 84,6-8, in AFH 39 (1946) 129; Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 103, note 1; Bonaventure Expositio 4,2 (Op. omn. 8,412); Olivi Expositio 4,I,1 (pp. 141,30-142,10); De Digne Expositio 4, 1 (pp. 122,30-124,6). ↑
- See 2 Cor 1:3. ↑
- LR 4,2-3 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- Taken from Olivi Expositio 4,II,1 (p. 142,18-19). LR 4,2-3 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- LR 10,2 (FA:ED I 105); see Rom 8:17. ↑
- See ER 22,27 (FA:ED I80); 2LtF 54 (FA:ED I 49); Jn 10:15. ↑
- See Col 3:1. ↑
- See 2C 38,68 (FA:ED II 292); LMj 7,5 (FA:ED II 580). ↑
- See 2C 35,65 (FA:ED II 290); 2MP 14 (FA:ED III 266). ↑
- A brother named Augustine: see 2C 144,218 (FA:ED II 389); 3C 14,116 (FA:ED II 448); LMj 14,6 (FA:ED II 644); LMn 7,1 (FA:ED II 671); LMj 7,1 (FA:ED II 670).. ↑
- See 2C 38,68 (FA:ED II 292); LMj 7,5 (FA:ED II 579-560). ↑
- Lk 9:3; Acts 3:6. ↑
- For 75-76: See 6,207-208; St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam 7,54-55 (PL 15,1800C-1801A; ed. 1887; CCL 14,231,532-232,549). Clareno quotes with some omissions. Mt 10:9. ↑
- Passage from De mirabilibus sacrae Scripturae 3,16 (PL 35,2201), an Irish work attributed to St Augustine. Acts 3:6; see Mt 10:9. ↑
- See 6,320-322. The quotations from the apocryphal books, as this present quote of Thomas, cannot all be identified, neither in the Acta Apostolorum apocrypha of M. Bonnet, Hildesheim 1959 (facsimile edition), nor in the Acta Apostolorum apocrypha of Pseudo-Abdia of J.A. Fabricius, Codex Apocyrphus Novi Testamenti, II, Hamburg 1719, translated into Italian by M. Erbetta, Gli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, II, Atti e Leggende, Turin 1966, pp. 378-379 (book IX of Pseudo-Abdia); and by L. Moraldi, Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, II, UTET, Turin 1975, pp. 1582-1593. It is found in James de Voragine (Varazze), ed. of Th. Graesse, facsimile edition, Osnabrück 1969, p. 36. ↑
- See 6,306-311; Jn 1:37-38. The story and the words are found in the Apocyrphal Acts of the Apostles by Pseudo-Abdia 5,15-16, in M. Erbetta, II, Atti et Leggende, pp. 121b,47; 122a,15-18; 122b,18-21; in L. Moraldi, II, Memorie apostoliche di Abdia, p. 1522. See Clareni Apologia 159,1-4, in AFH 39 (1946) 168; also in Simon Metafraste, Vita S. Ioannis Evangelistae 5 (PG 116, 698AB); Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia Ecclesiastica 3,23 (PG 20, 262C-263A). ↑
- See 6,323-325. In the Acts of Thaddeus there is the story of King Abagarus, but without the words of the Apostle: see M. Erbetta, II: Atti di Taddeo 2-4 (p. 577); in the Memorie apostoliche di Abdia 6,12, translated by L. Moraldi, there are similar expressions about the refusal of riches (II, p. 1543). The words are in Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia Ecclesiastica 1,13 (PG 20,130A). Clareno quotes this also in his Apologia 159,4-6, in AFH 39 (1946) 168-169. ↑
- See 6,316-319. For Bartholomew see Memorie apostoliche di Abdia 8,3-4, in the translation of L. Moraldi, II, p. 1570; and in Erbetta, II: Atti e Leggende, p. 584a,46-584b,8; both are translations of the work of J.A. Fabricius, Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti, II, Hamburg 1719. See M. Bonnet, Acta Apostolorum apocryphya, II,1, p. 134,4-12, (in the Greek p. 134,20-31). ↑
- St Athanasius of Alexdandria, Vita S. Antonii, ch. 12 in the Greek (PG 26,862A), ch. 11 in the Latin (PL 73,133B). ↑
- I do not know Clareno’s source for Cariton. ↑
- Postunianus, Postumianus, see Sulpicius Severus, Diaologi 1,5 (PL 20,187D; ed. Halm, p. 157,20). See also Clareni Epistolae 44 (p. 217,3-7). ↑
- See 6,606ff. Vitae Patrum lib. I: Vita Sanctorum Barlaam et Josaphat (PL 73,443-606), especially 1,18 (PL 73,513CD). ↑
- For 90-92: Vitae Patrum, lib. VIII: Palladiius, Histora Lausiaca 8,19 (PL 73,1109D; PG 34,1145CD); probably the translation was done by Clareno; Eraclide, Paradisus 6 (PL 74,267D-268A). ↑
- St Jerome, Vita S. Hilarionis Eremltae 34 (PL 23,48BC, ed. 1883). ↑
- Chronicon, Trib. 4,4 (p. 117,10-118,12). ↑
- See 6,39; AC 15 (FA:ED II 130); Verba 1 (DAF I, p. 100; Pasztor, p. 662); 2MP 12 (FA:ED III 223). ↑
- LR 5,1-2 (FA:ED I 102); see 1 Thes 5:19. ↑
- For the Euchites see St Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses 3,2,80,1 (PG 52,755B). For the Circumcellions see St Augustine, Contra Gaudentium 1,28 (PL 43,725D); Contra Cresconium Donatistam 3,42 (PL 43,521A); Optatus Milevitanus, De Schismate Donastistarum 3,4 (PL 11,1007A-1008B). For the Vagabonds see Regula S. Benedicti 1,10-12 (PL 66,246B). For Messeldio and Adelfio Messalians see A. Vööbus, The Messalians, in CorpuSCO 197, Subsidia 17: ‘History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient’, Louvain 1960, pp. 127-140. See Cassiodorus, Historia Ecclesiastica tripartita 7,11,6-13 (PL 69,1077C-1078C), translation of the work Historia Ecclesiastica by Theodoret (4,10: PG 82,1142D-1146B); or see Theodoret, Haereticarum Fabularum Compendium 4,11 (PG 83,430B-431C). For the Angelici see St. Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses 2,1,60 (PG 41,1038D-1039B). For the Apostolici see St Epiphanius, Adversus Haeseses 2,1,61 (PG 41,1039C-1051A). ↑
- For 6-7: LR 5,1 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- Test 21 (FAS:ED I 125). ↑
- AC 103 (FA:ED II 208); Int. Regulae 9 (DAF I, p. 91; Pasztor, p. 658); 1MP 7 (FA:ED III 219); 2MP 73 (FA:ED III 321). See 1 Thes 4:11; Eph 4:28. ↑
- AC 103 (FA:ED II 208); 1 MP 7 (FA:ED III 219-220); 2MP 73 (FA:ED III 321). ↑
- Test 20-21 (FA:ED I 125); see Acts 20:34; 1 Cor 4:12. ↑
- LR 5,1 (FA:ED I 102). For St Anthony Abbot, see Vitae Patrum, Verba Seniorum 5,7,1 (PL 73,893AB); Palladius, Apophthegmata Patrum Anthony 1 (10) (PG 65,75AB). ↑
- LR 5,2 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See Sir 33:28. ↑
- See Mk 8:36. ↑
- See Ps 128:2. ↑
- See 2 Thes 3:10. ↑
- See 1 Cor 7:20.24. ↑
- For 21-28: ER 7,1-12 (FA:ED I 68-69). ↑
- For ‘to exert themselves in doing good works’ see St Gregory the Great, Homiliae in Evangelia 1,13,1 (PL 76,1123D). For ‘Always do etc.’ see St Jerome, Epistolae 125,11, Ad Rusticum monacum (PL 22,1078; CSEL 56,130). ↑
- St Benedict, Regula 48,1; Giona Aurelianense, Institutio laicalis 3,6 (PL 106,245D). There is something similar in St Anselm, Epistolae 3,49 (PL 159,81A), but nothing in the Bible. ↑
- For 29-31: ER 7,1-12 (FA:ED I 69). ↑
- See 1 Thes 5:17.18. ↑
- See Mt 10:10; Lk 10:7; Eph 4:28. ↑
- See 2 Cor 11:27. ↑
- Acts 20:35. ↑
- For 33-38: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 37,1 (PG 31,1010C-1011A). See Mt 25:34-35. ↑
- Prv 31:27; Mt 25:26. For 39-40: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 37,2 (PG 31,1011A). ↑
- See Lk 12:48. St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 37,2 (PG 31,1011B). ↑
- See Col 3:16. ↑
- For 42-43: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 37,2 (PG 31,1011CD).LR 5,2 (FA:ED I 102); see 1 Thes 5:19. ↑
- ↑
- LR 5,2 (FA:ED I 102); see 1 Thes 5:9. ↑
- Rather Rufinus d’Aquileia, Historia Monachorum 15 (PL 21,433D-434A), attributed to St Jerome. See 1 Cor 12:9-10; Rv 19:10; 1 Thes 4:11; Eph 4:28. ↑
- John Cassian, De Coenobiorum Institutis 10,24 (PL 49,394A-396A). See 1 Thes 4:11; Eph 4:28; Lv 23:8. ↑
- Idem, 10,22 (PL 21,388A-393A). ↑
- LR 5,3 (FA:ED I 102-103). ↑
- For Brother Giles see L3C 11,44 (FA:ED II 94); AP 28,1-6 (FF 1520); AC 92 (FA:ED II 195); 2MP 36 (FA:ED III 284-285). ↑
- LR 5,3 (FA:ED I 102-103); Mt 10:9. ↑
- LR 5,4 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- Palladius, Historia Lausiaca I and 5 (PL 74,354A and 350C); Sozomeno, Historia Ecclesiastica 6,29 (PG 67,1374C). ↑
- See Lv 23:8. ↑
- For 58-60: See Constitutiones monasticae 5 (PG 31,1359B), attributed to St Basil and Clareno has made his own translation. ↑
- St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 42,1 (PG 31,1023D-1026A); Mt 25:35. ↑
- See Mt 6:25.32. ↑
- For 62-64: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 42,1 (PG 31,1026A). Mt 25:40. ↑
- 2 Thes 3:12. ↑
- For 65-68: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 42,1 (PG 31,1026AB). See 2 Thes 3:11-12. ↑
- See St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 42,1 (PG 31,1026B). 2 Thes 3:8; Eph 4:28. ↑
- For 70-71: Idem, Resp. 41,2 (PG 31,1023CD). ↑
- See Jer 17:6. ↑
- For 72-75: Idem, Resp. 42,2 (PG 31, 1026C-1027A). See Jer 17:5-6. ↑
- St Augustine, De opere Monachorum (PL 40,547-582). ↑
- See Mt 6:31; 6:26; Jn 6:27. ↑
- For 76-78: A passage quoted according to its meaning and based on Olivi Expositio 5,III,B,4, d (p. 155,21-23). ↑
- For 78-87: St Augustine, De opere Monachorum 17,20 (PL 40,564-565; CSEL 41,564-565). ↑
- For 88-90: St Augustine, De opere Monachorum 18,21 (PL 40,565; CSEL 41,565). ↑
- Idem, 19,22 (PL 40,566; CSEL 41,568). ↑
- Idem, 22,26 (PL 40,568; CSEL 41,572). ↑
- Idem, 22,26 (PL 40,569; CSEL 41,572). ↑
- Idem, 20,23 (PL 40,567; CSEL 41,569). ↑
- Idem, 30,38 (PL 40,577; CSEL 41,589). For 78-95: This passage comes from Olivi Expositio 5,III,A,2-3 (p. 149,16-150,15). ↑
- St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 37,2 (PG 31,1011A). ↑
- Jn 12:26. For 98-100: Constituiones monasticae 4,4 (PG 31,1351D-1354A), attributed to St Basil, probably a translation by Clareno. ↑
- See Lk 2:51. ↑
- See Jn 4:6; Lk 22:27. ↑
- See Mt 20:28; Jn 13:5. ↑
- For 102-110: Constitutiones monasticae 4,6 (PG 31,1355C-13358B).See 2 Cor 11:25-26. ↑
- ↑
- For 111-116: Constitutiones monasticae 4,6 (PG 31,1358BC). ↑
- For 117-120: Idem, 4,7 (PG 31,1358C-1359B). See 2 Tm 3:12. ↑
- See LR 5,2 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- LR 6,1 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- See 1 Pt 2:21. ↑
- For 4-8: ER 1,1-5 (FA:ED I 63-64). ↑
- See Mt 19:21; Lk 18:22. ↑
- Mt 16:24. ↑
- See Lk 14:26. ↑
- See Mt 19:29; Mk 10:29; Lk 18:29. ↑
- For 9-10: Reference in Clareni Epistolae 41 (p. 199,7-10). ↑
- For 9-11: Test 14-17 (FA:ED I 125). See Tb 1:3. ↑
- See 6,41-42.88; AC 16 (FA:ED II 131); Verba 2 (DAF I, p. 101; Pasztor, p. 662); 2MP 13 (FA:ED III 266). Bull Quo elongati, 28 September 1230 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 56, p. 69E). ↑
- AC 101 (FA:ED II 204); Int. Regulae I (DAF I, p. 84; Pasztor, p. 655); 2MP 1,2 (FA:ED III 255). ↑
- For 14-15: ER 7,13-14 (FA:ED I 69). ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:8. For 16-20: ER 9,1-5 (FA:ED I 70). ↑
- See Jn 11:27; Is 50:7. ↑
- See Rom 14:10; 2 Cor 5:10. For 21-23: ER 9,6-9 (FA:ED I 70-71). ↑
- For 24-26: ER 9,10-12 (FA:ED I 71). ↑
- See Rom 14:3. ↑
- See Mt 12:4; Mk 2:26. For 27-29: ER 9,13-15 (FA:ED I 71). ↑
- See Lk 21:34-35. ↑
- ER 9,16 (FA:ED I 71). ↑
- See Lk 9:3; 10:4. For 31-35: ER 14,1-5 (FA:ED I 73). ↑
- See Lk 10:5. ↑
- See Lk 10:7. ↑
- See Lk 6:29-30. ↑
- See 1 Pt 2:11; Ps 39:13. For 36-37: Test 24-26 (FA:ED I 126). ↑
- See Mt 10:23. ↑
- See 4,96; AC 15 (FA:ED II 130); Verba 1 (DAF I, p. 100; Pasztor, p. 662); 2MP 12 (FA:ED III 265). ↑
- For 40-41: See 6,12; AC 16 (FA:ED II 131); Verba 2 (DAF I, p. 101; Pasztor, p. 662); 2MP 13 (FA:ED III 266). ↑
- See 10,64. ↑
- For 42-46: Verba 4 (DAF I, pp. 101-102; Pasztor, p. 662). ↑
- For 47-54: Verba 4 (DAF I, pp. 102-103; Pasztor p. 662). ↑
- See 8,50. ↑
- For 42-54: AC 17 (FA:ED II 131-132); 2MP Introduction (FA:ED III 253-254); LMj 4,11 (FA:ED II 557-558); HTrb 1,391 (FA:ED III 417); Verba fr. Conradi 1,1-14 (OCH I [1903] 370-373; and MF 7 [1899] 132); see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 127, note 1. ↑
- For 55-60: See 10,100-101; AC 18 (FA:ED II 132-133); Verba 5 (DAF I, pp. 103-104; Pasztor, pp. 662-663); 2MP 68 (FA:ED III 313-314); HTrb 1,42 (FA:ED III 402); see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 128, note 1. ↑
- For 61-66: AC 20 (FA:ED II 134); Verba 6 (DAF I, pp. 105-106); 1MP 44 (FA:ED III 251-252); 2MP 50 (FA:ED III 294); Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 129, note 2. ↑
- See 1 Pt 1:9. ↑
- See Lk 12:15. ↑
- See 1 Jn 2:22; 4:3. For 67-69: It is St Hilary of Poitiers, Contra Arianos 2-3 (PL 10,610C-611A) but Clareno refers to it as Liber Conciliorum and omits some phrases. The passage is used also in Clareni Apologia 158,4-26, in AFH 39 (1946) 168. ↑
- For 70-72: St Hilary of Poitiers, Contra Arianos 3-4 (PL 10,611AB). See Mt 16:19. ↑
- See Jn 15:18. ↑
- For 73-75: St Hilary of Poitiers, Contra Arianos 3-4 (PL 10,616BC). ↑
- See Mt 7:14; Sg 1:3. ↑
- See Jb 41:2; Phil 2:7-8. ↑
- See 1 Cor 1:18; Is 50:6. ↑
- See Acts 5:41; 2 Cor 8:9; Mt 8:20; Lk 9:58. ↑
- See Jn 18:36. ↑
- See 1 Pt 2:11; Ps 39:13. For 83-87: LR 6,1-6 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:2. ↑
- See Ps 142:6. ↑
- See note on 6,12. ↑
- 1 Tm 3:15. ↑
- See Rom 5:10; 1 Cor 10:16.17; Jn 6:55; 17:21. ↑
- See Jn 6:57. ↑
- See Jn 17:21; Rom 5:9; 2 Cor 5:15. ↑
- ! Cor 15:49; see Eph 2:3; Phil 2:21. ↑
- See Jn 1:13; 1 Cor 15:49; Col 3:1.2. ↑
- See 1 Cor 15:47; Mt 19:21. ↑
- Lk 14:33. ↑
- Mt 5:2-3. ↑
- Mt 10:9. ↑
- See Acts 4:8.31. ↑
- See 1,53. Eusebius of Caesaria, Historia Ecclesiastica 2,16-18 (PG 20,173B-188B) who quotes from Philo of Alexandria, a Hebrew, De vita contemplativa (PG 20,176A-177D). Pseudo-Isidore (Isidore Mercatore), Decretalium Collectio 5 (PL 130,57CD); Pseudo-Clement, Epistolae 5 (PG 1,505D-507A; PL 130,57CD) Clareno refers to it as the Quarta epistola. For 103-109: Pseudo-Clement, Epistolae 5 (PG 1,505D-507A; PL 130,57CD). ↑
- Quotation made by Clareno also in his Epistolae 44 (p. 219,23-26). ↑
- For 106-107: The reference is to Plato in De Republica, words put into the mouth of Socrates, in the Libri Recognitionum 10,5 of Pseudo-Clement (PG 1,1422CD). ↑
- Ps 133:1. ↑
- See Acts 4:32. ↑
- For 110-111: Pseudo-Clement, Epistolae 5 (PG 1,507AB; PL 130,57D-58C). See Acts 5:1.4. ↑
- Acts 4:32. ↑
- See 1 Tm 1:5; 1 Jn 4:17.18. ↑
- See 1 Cor 4:12. ↑
- See Mt 19:21; Mk 10:29.30. ↑
- There are no commentaries by Pope Saint Damasus; the reference is rather to Aimone di Auxerre (Autissidorensis), Carolingian. 2 Cor 9:9; Ps 112:9. ↑
- For 118-120: Aimone d’ Auxerre, Expositio in Epistolam II Ad Cor. 9 (PL 117,646D-647A). ↑
- For 121-125: Aimone d’ Auxerre, Expositio in Epistolam ad Col. 3 (PL 117,759D-760A). The passage is quoted by Clareno in his Epistolae, attributing it always to St Damasus (Epistolae 44, p. 223,14-22). See Col 3:5. ↑
- For 124-125: Ambrosiaster, Commentarium in Epistolan ad Col. 3:5 (PL 17,459AQ, ed. 1879). ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:10. ↑
- See Heb 11:16. For 126-131: Aimone d’ Auxerre, Expositio in Epistolam ad Heb. 11 (PL 117,906BD). This passage also is taken from Clareno, Epistolae 44 (p. 223,23-31). Some phrases have been omitted. ↑
- See Heb 11:16. ↑
- 2 Cor 6:10. Aimone d’ Auxerre, Expositio in Epistolam II Ad Cor. 6 (PL 117,637D-638A). ↑
- See 2 Cor 6:10. ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:9. For 136-140: Expositio in Epistolam II Ad Cor. 8 (PL 117,643BC). The passage has been quoted from Clareno in his Epistolae 44 (p. 216,14-22), as always attributed to Pope St Damasus. See Commentarium in Epistolam II ad Cor. 8:9-10 of Ambrosiaster (PL 17,326CD, ed. ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:9. ↑
- Mt 8:20. ↑
- Ps 82:6. ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:10. ↑
- The Rule attributed to Basil is actually the Constitutiones monasticae 18 (PG 31,1382-1387). ↑
- For 143-149: Idem, 18,1 (PG 31,1382BC). ↑
- For 150-160: Idem, 18,2 (PG 31,1382D-1383C). ↑
- For 161-168: Idem, 18,3 (PG 31,1383C-1386A). ↑
- For 169-178: Idem, 18,4 (PG 31,1386AC). ↑
- For 179-182: Idem, 18,4 (PG 31,1386D-1387A). ↑
- 2 Macc 7. ↑
- Ps 133:1. ↑
- For 184-185: St Gregory Nazianzus, in a text not identified. ↑
- For 186-187: See 6,302-303. See also Clareni Epistolae 29 (p. 144,21-30). For the poverty of Christ and the Apostles and the poverty of the Rule of Saint Francis see Oliger Expositio, note 3, p. 141-142. ↑
- See Lk 14:33. For 188-193: This is not from St Ambrose but from Origen in the translation of
Rufinus, In Gensim Homiliae 16,5 (PG 12,251AB). ↑ - Mt 6:24. The reference is not to the Homily on Matthew but to the exposition on Luke. ↑
- For 195-200: St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam 7,124 (PL 15,1819CD, ed. 1887; CCL 14,256,1292-1304). ↑
- Lk 12:27. For 201-205: St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam 7,125 (PL 15,1819D-1820A, ed. 1887; CCL 14,256,1304-1317). ↑
- See Lk 12:28. ↑
- See Mt 6:27; Lk 12:25. ↑
- See 4,75; Mt 10:10; Lk 9:3; St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam 6,65 (PL 15,1771C, ed. 1887; CCL 14,196,648-652). ↑
- Acts 3:6. For 207-208: See 4,75-76; St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam 7,54-55 (PL 15,1800C-1801A, ed. 1887; CCL 14, 231,532-253, 584) with omissions made by Clareno. ↑
- Mt 10:9. ↑
- See 2 Cor 6:10. For 209-210: Ambrosiaster, Commentarium in Epistolam II ad Cor. 6,10 (PL 17,318B, ed. 1879). ↑
- Not Ambrose but Ambrosiaster, Commentarium in epistolam II ad Cor: 6:10 (PL 17:318B). ↑
- See Lk 12:31; St Ambrose, Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam 7,130 (PL 15,1821C, ed. 1887; CCL 14, 258, 1374-1377). ↑
- For 212-215: St Ambrose, Epistolae 1,63,87-88 (PL 16,1265B, ed. 1880). ↑
- See Acts 3:6. ↑
- See Acts 3:6. ↑
- St Ambrose, Epistolae 1,63,88 (PL 16, 1265C, ed. 1880). See 1 Pt 1:18. ↑
- Idem, ib. 89 (PL 16, 1265C). ↑
- Idem, ib. 91 (PL 16, 1266A). ↑
- See Mt 6:31-32. For 219-223: This is not from St Ambrose but from Ambrosius Autpertus, Benedictine monk (+ 778), De conflictu vitiorum 16 (PL 17,1161C-1162A, ed. 1879). ↑
- See Mt 6:33. See also Clareni Apologia 142,15-16, in AFH 39 (1946) 160. ↑
- See 6, 296; 2 Cor 6:10; 1 Tm 6:8. ↑
- See Lk 12:16. This is a homily of St Basil the Great, quoted from the translation of Rufinus d’Aquileia: Homilia in Lucam 12:26, Homilia 3,1 tit. (PG 31,1744C). For 224-225: St Basil the Great, Homilia in Lucam 12:26, Homilia 3,4 (PG 31,1749B). ↑
- For 224-225: St Basil the Great, Homilia in Lucam 12:26, Homilia 3,4 (PG 31,1749B). ↑
- Idem, ib. (PG 31,1749BC). ↑
- For 227-228: Idem, 3,7 (PG 31,1751D-1752A). ↑
- Idem, ib. (PG 31,1572A). ↑
- For 230-236: Idem, ib. (PG 31,1752BC). ↑
- For 237-241: Quotation from St Augustine, In Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus 6,25 (PL 35,1436-1437; CCL 36,66,14-22), taken from the Decretum Gratiani, Dist. 8,1: ‘Quo iure’. ↑
- Ps 24:1. ↑
- Decretum Gratiani, Dist. 1, Introductio. ↑
- For 243-244: Decretum Gratiani, Dist. 8, Introductio. See Acts 4:32. ↑
- For 245-246: Decretum Gratiani, Introductio ad can. 2: ‘que contra’. ↑
- For 247-250: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 2,1 (PG 31,910AB), according to Clareno’s translation. ↑
- For 251-254: See 10,134. St Athanasius of Alexandria, Vita S. Antonii ad Monachos 20 (PG 26,871C-874A), quoted from the version of Evagrius of Antioch. ↑
- See Lk 17:21. ↑
- For 255-260: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes, In seipsum, 26,13, in the version of Rufinus d’Aquileia (CSEL 36,182-183); see AFH 8 (1915) 321. In Migne (PG 35,1246AB) there is very little. ↑
- See Job 39:5.7. ↑
- For 261-262: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes, In seipsum, 26,14, in the version of Rufinus (CSEL 36,183-184). ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:9. ↑
- For 263-264: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 4,71, Adversus Iulianum Apostatam 1 (PG 35,594AB). Clareno is translating directly from the Greek and quotes this passage also in his Epistolae 44 (p. 216,4-13). ↑
- See 2 Cor 6:10. ↑
- For 265-266: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 10,1 (PG 35,827AB), in the translation made by Clareno from the Greek and which he quotes in his Apologia 164,1-7, in AFH 39 (1946) 170-171. ↑
- Idem, Orationes 6,2 (PG 35,723BC), quoted by Clareno in his Apologia 164,9-14, in AFH 39 (1946) 171 ↑
- St John Chrysostom, In Matthaeum Evangelistam, Homilia 10,4 (PG 57,188). Perhaps the translation comes from Burgundius of Pisa, a passage synthesised by Clareno and quoted in his Apologia 106,12 and 145,1-5, in AFH 39 (1946) 142 and 162. ↑
- Idem, Homilia 90 (91), 3 (PG 58,790). See Acts 3:6. It is found in St Bonaventure, Apologia Pauperum 10,6 (Op. omn. 8,306a), and in his Epistola de Sandaliis Apostolorum 2 (Op. omn. 8,386a). ↑
- For 270-276: St John Chrysostom, In Matthaeum Evangelistam, Homilia 90 (91), 4 (PG 58,792). ↑
- See Acts 3:6. ↑
- Mt 19:21; see Lk 18:22. ↑
- Mt 19:27; see Lk 18:28. ↑
- See Mt 19:29. omilia 90 (91), 4 (PG 58, 7892). ↑
- See Lk 10:7. For 277-283: St John Chrysostom, In Matthaeum Evangelistam, Homilia 32 (33), 5 (PG 57,383-384); see St Bonaventure, Apologia Pauperum 7,9 (Op. omn. 8,275a). ↑
- See 2 Cor 11:12. ↑
- For 284-285: St John Chrysostom, In Matthaeum Evangelistam, Homilia 32 (33), 6 (PG 57,386). ↑
- Idem, Homilia 8, 5 (PG 57,88); see St Bonaventure, Apologia Pauperum 7,17 (Op. omn. 8,278a). ↑
- St Jerome, Epistolae 14,6 (PL 22,351). ↑
- Ps 68:11. ↑
- See Mt 19:21. St Jerome Epistolae 130,14 (PL 22,1118). ↑
- See Acts 4:34.35. St Jerome Epistolae 130,14 (PL 22,1118). ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:8. For 292-295: St Jerome, Commentarium in Epistolam ad Titum 1,7 (PL 26,602B, ed. 1884). ↑
- See 1 Cor 9:13. ↑
- See 6,223; 1 Tm 6:8; St Jerome, Apologia contra Rufinum 1,32 (PL 23,444C, ed. 1883; CCL 79,33,21-23). ↑
- St Gregory the Great, Dialogorum libri 3,14 (PL 77,245A), a passage quoted in Clareni Apologia 140,8-11, in AFH 39 (1946) 159. ↑
- St Gregory the Great, Homiliae in Ezechielem 2,8,16 (PL 76,1037CD; CCL 142,348,461-468). A text rearranged and synthesized by Clareno. ↑
- Jb 36:6; see Mt 19:21. For 299-301: St Gregory the Great, Moralia in Iob 26,27,51 (PL 76,380B; CCL 143B,1306,80-88). A text partially rearranged by Clareno. ↑
- See 2 Cor 8:2. For 302-303: See 6,186-187. ↑
- About St Peter, see Clareni Apologia 106,5 in AFH 39 (1946) 142. For 304-305: Pseudo-Clement, Homiliae 12,6 (PG 2,306BC), in the translation of Rufinus and synthesized by Clareno. ↑
- See 4,79; J.A. Fabricius, Codex apocryphus Novi Testamenti, II, Hamburg 1719, pp. 561-562, translated into Italian by M. Erbetta, Gli apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, II: Atti e Leggende. Il libro dello Ps-Abdia, Turin 1966, Pseudo-Abdia, 5,15 (p. 122a,9-10 and 18), and by L. Moraldi, Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento, II: Memorie apostoliche di Abdia primo vescovo di Babilonia, Turin 1975 (pp. 1521-1522). ↑
- For 307-311: Pseudo-Abdia 5,16, in M. Erbetta, II, p. 122b,2-21; in L. Moraldi, II, p. 1522. The Acts of John reproduce the Passion of John of Pseudo-Melita, reproduced by Fabricius, II, pp. 604ff. in book V of Pseudo-Abdia, of the sixth century. ↑
- See Lk 16:19.22. For 312-315: Pseudo-Abdia 5,16, in M. Erbetta, II, p. 122b,22-123b,11; and in L. Moraldi, II, pp. 1522-1523; the passage in Clareno is much abbreviated when compared to the source. ↑
- See Mt 6:24; Lk 16:13. ↑
- For 316-319: See 4,18; Pseudo-Abdia 8,3-4, in M. Erbetta, II, p. 584a,10-548b,8; in L. Moraldi, II, p. 1570; and in M. Bonnet, Acta Apostolorum apocrypha, II, 1: Passio S. Barthomolaei Apostoli 3-4, pp. 133-134. ↑
- For 320-321: Acta S. Thomae 17-24, in M. Bonnet, Acta Apostolorum apocrypha, II,2, p. 124-139, in Italian, M. Erbetta, II, pp. 319-321; Pseudo-Abdia 9,6, in Erbetta, II, pp. 378b-379b; in L. Moraldi, II, pp. 1582-1583. ↑
- The words reported by Clareno have not been found in the apocryphal writings quoted above. ↑
- For 323-325: See 4,80. Acta Thaddaei Apostoli 2-4, in R.A. Lipsius, Acta Apostolorum apocrypha, I, Leipzig 1891, Hildesheim 1959, pp. 273-275; in M. Erbetta, II: Atti di Taddeo 2-4, p. 577; in L. Moraldi, II, p. 1647, and in this case also the words quoted by Clareno do not correspond to the source; they agree in part with Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia Ecclesiastica 1,13 (PG 20,130A). ↑
- See Lk 19:29. See Clareni Apologia 159,4-6, in AFH 39 (1946) 168-169. ↑
- See Lk 12:33. ↑
- The persons quoted were known to Clareno even if they are seldom quoted by him: Diadochus, bishop of Fotice (PG 65,1167-1212) is never quoted; St Maximus monk is quoted once (2, 147); the deacon, St Ephrem of Syria, twice (6,396); John Sparciata is perhaps John Carpazio (see PG 85,1837-1860). For Diadochus see Clareni Apologia 213,3, in AFH 39 (1946) 188, also for John Spartiata. ↑
- John Cassian, Collationes (PL 49,477-1328). Clareno speaks of Cassian as Eastern and quote and numbers him among the Greek writers. ↑
- See Clareni Apologia 158,1-3, in AFH 39 (1946) 168. For the disciples of St Peter in hagiography see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 155, note 3. ↑
- Lucius was sent to Beauvais. He is mentioned by Clareno also in Apologia 157,2-5, in AFH 39 (1946) 158, and in his Epistolae 30 (p. 163, 10-13). ↑
- Giunio at Castres in Languedoc; quoted also by Clareno in his Apologia 157,5-7, in AFH 39 (1946) 168, and in his Epistolae 30 (p. 163, 13). ↑
- St Apollinaris in Ravenna. ↑
- Eutropius in Aquitania and Saintes. ↑
- Julian in Britain and Le Mans, Martialis in Limoges, Austragesillus in Bourges, Titianus in Tours, a second Eutropius in Orange, Saturninus in Toulouse, Savinianus, Potenzianus, Altinus and Serotinus in Sens, Clement Flavius in Gaul and in Metz, Frononius at Le Périgord. ↑
- Eucharius in Trier (Treviris), Anicius in Soissonnais, Gregory in Beauvais, Memius in Châlons-sur-Marne. I do not know from where Clareno drew this information and legends. ↑
- See Phil 3:8; Gal 6:14. ↑
- See Col 3:1-2. ↑
- For 344-347: See Rom 8:5-8. ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:10. For 348-353: St Nilus, the name of whose work is De octo spiritibus Maliltiae 7: de Avaritia (PG 79,1151BD). Clareno omits some passages. An old Latin translation is being used. ↑
- St Nilus, De octo spiritibus Malitiae 7 (PG 79,1154B). ↑
- See 2,159. Paphnutius, Historia Lausiaca 91, from an old Latin version (PL 73,1186C). It has the superscription Kefala (PG 34,1196BC). ↑
- For 356-358: John Cassian, Collationes 3,6 (PL 49,564C). ↑
- For 359-360:Idem, 3,7 (PL 49,566B-567A). ↑
- Eph 2:3. ↑
- See Nm 11:18. For 361-363: John Cassian, Collationes 3,7 (PL 49,568C-569A). ↑
- For 364-368: John Cassian, Collationes 3,10 (PL 49,572C-573A). ↑
- See Lk 16:12. ↑
- For 369-373: John Cassian, Collationes 3,10 (PL 49,573B-574A). ↑
- See 2 Cor 4:18. ↑
- John Cassian, Collationes 18 (PL 49,1089ff.). ↑
- For 375-378: John Cassian, Collationes 18,5 (PL 49,1094B-1095A). ↑
- Acts 4:32.34. ↑
- For 379-380: John Cassian, Collationes 18,5 (PL 49,1099A-1100A). ↑
- For 381-389: Idem, 18,7 (PL 49,1105A-1106B). ↑
- See Mt 6:34. For 390-392: John Cassian, Collationes 19,8 (PL 49,1138C). ↑
- For 391-392: See Is 58:13-14. ↑
- See Phil 3:8. For 393-395: John Cassian, Collationes 24,23 (PL 49,1316AB). ↑
- See 1 Tm 6:7. ↑
- See Mt 10:10; Mk 6:8; 2 Cor 11:27. ↑
- St Ephrem of Syria, deacon, Liber exhortationum ad Monachos, comes perhaps from a Greek manuscript known to Clareno, see J. Gribomont, L’ ‘Expositio’ d’Ange Clareno sur la Règle des Frères Mineurs et la tradition monastique primitive, in ‘Lettura delle Fonti Francescane: il 1400’, ed. Antonianum, Rome 1981, p. 412. ↑
- See 1 Pt 5:8. For 397-404: St Ephrem of Syria, Liber exhortationum ad Monachos. ↑
- See Lk 9:62. ↑
- 1 Cor 10:13; Heb 13:5. ↑
- See Mt 6:25; Lk 12:22; see Mt 6:33; Lk 12:31. ↑
- Vita Sanctorum Barlaam et Ioasaph (PG 96,857-1240). H. Mattingly, St John Damascene, Barlaam et Joasaph, Cambridge Mass. 1967, p. 158.266.270.310. See 2 Cor 8:2. ↑
- See 4,86. Vita Sanctorum Barlaam et Iosaphat 1,18 (PL 73,513C). The Latin text used by Clareno differs from that of Migne. ↑
- For 407-427: Idem, 1,18 (PG 73,513C-514D). ↑
- See Is 61:10. ↑
- For 428-435: Vita Sanctorum Barlaam et Iosaphat 1,21 (PL 73,525AC). ↑
- See Jn 12:6. ↑
- The incident here mentioned is in the Vitae Patrum 8,116: Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 116 (PL 73,1197D-1198D). The incidents are from the life of Bessarion, recorded in the Apophthegmata Patrum in the version of Pelagius Ioannes. ↑
- For 439-441: Apophthegmata Patrum, Abbot Bessarion 4 (77) (PG 65,139AB); see also Vitae Patrum 5,12,3 (PL 73,941B). ↑
- For 442-444: Apophthegmata Patrum, Abbot Bessarion 1 (74) (PG 65,138C-139A); Vitae Patrum 6,2,1 (PL 73,1000C). ↑
- For 445-446: Apophthegmata Patrum, Abbot Bessarion 2 and 3 (75 and 76) (PG 65,139A); Vitae Patrum 6,2,2-3 (PL 73,1000CD). ↑
- See Jos 10:13. ↑
- For 447-448: Apophthegmata Patrum, Abbot Bessarion 4 (77) (PG 65,139B); Vitae Patrum 5,12,3 (PL 73,941BC). ↑
- Lk 22:41. ↑
- For 449-481: I do not know from what source Clareno has drawn this story. Is it, perhaps, his own creation? ↑
- See Mt 19:21. ↑
- See Lk 11:41. ↑
- Quoted also in Clareni Apologia 145,5-9, in AFH 39 (1946) 162. See Ps 110:1. ↑
- See Phil 4:7; 1 Jn 2:16. ↑
- 2 Cor 1:7. ↑
- The great old man of 1,256 is Pseudo-Bernard. Here the reference must be to an anonymous person with an apophthegm in an old Latin version of Pelagius. ↑
- For 487-488: This is not St Jerome, but Rufinus d’Aquileia, Historia Monachorum 7 (PL 21,410BC); see also Vitae Patrum 8,52: Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 52 (PL 73,1155A; PG 34,1135AB;1142D-1143A). ↑
- For 489-493: Rufinus, Historia Monachorum 15 (PL 21,433D-434C); see Vitae Patrum 8,61: Palladius, Historia Lausiaca 61 (PL 73,1169BD; PG 34,1165BD). ↑
- See 1 Cor 4:12. ↑
- For 494-496: The story of the anchorite Mark comes perhaps from a story of Serapion Syndonius, where he speaks of three creditors, in Historia Lausiaca 83 (PG 34,1183D-1184A; PL 73,1179C-1180A), but in Palludius, Historia Lausiaca 21 (PL 73,1119BD), where there is a reference to a Mark there is nothing; nor is there anything in Sozomeno, Historia Ecclesiastica 6,29 (PG 67,1375D-1378B). ↑
- Peter John Olivi, see Epilogue 29ff.; see Jn 1:11. ↑
- LR 6,1 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,1 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,2 (FA:ED I I03); 1 Pt 2:11; Ps 39:13. ↑
- Ps 39:13. ↑
- In Quaestiones de Perfectione evangelica, question 6,4, published by A. Emmen in ‘Studi Francescani’ 64 (1967) no. 4, p. 31. See Ps 73:25. ↑
- Ps 73:26. ↑
- 1 Pt 2:11. ↑
- For 513-514: St. Jerome, Adversus Iovinianum 2,36 (PL 23, 348AB, ed. 1883). The fat are from the flock of Epicurus, the humble pilgrims are from the flock of the disciples. In St Jerome in fact the text is: ‘Those of us who are sad’ etc. Olivi quoted this text. ↑
- Ps 120:5. ↑
- LR 6,2 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,3 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,4 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,4 (FA:ED I 103); 5,4 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,4 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- Gal 4:1. ↑
- LR 6,4 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,4 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,5 (FA:ED I 103); see Ps 142: 6. ↑
- LR 6,4 and 5 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,6 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- See 2C 163,217 (FA:ED II 387); LMj 14,5 (FA:ED II 643). ↑
- See Ps 142:6. Here ends the long quotation from Olivi that began at v. 500. ↑
- For 530-538: Clareno quotes the Quatuor Magistri, but in fact he is using Olivi Expositio 6,I,A,2a-d (p. 162, 7-32); see Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 6,16-98 (pp. 152-157). ↑
- LR 6,2 (FA:ED I 103). See 1 Pt 2:11; Ps 39:13. ↑
- For 539-543: Quatuor Magisrorum Expositio 6,99-112 (pp. 157-158). For 539-544: Clareno quotes the Quatuor Magistri but from Olivi as can be seen in v. 544 that is not present in the Quatuor Magistri: Olivi Expositio 6,I,A,2d (pp. 162,32-163, 6). ↑
- LR 6,2 (FA:ED I 103). See 1 Pt 2:11; Ps 39:13. ↑
- LR 6,2 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,7 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,8 (FA:ED I 103); see 1 Thes 2:7. ↑
- LR 6,7 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,8 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- LR 6,9 (FA:ED I 103). For 551-553: See Olivi Expositio 6,II,A,3 (p. 174,28-32). ↑
- For 552-553: Mt 7:12. ↑
- For 554-555: ER 10,1-2 (FA:ED I 71). ↑
- See 1 Thes 5:18; Acts 13:48; Rom 11:8; Rv 3:19. For 556-557: ER 10,3-4 (FA:ED I 71-72). ↑
- LR 7,1 (FA:ED I 103). For 1-2: See Olivi Expositio (p. 175, 14-18). ↑
- See Ti 3:4. ↑
- See Rom 2:4; Ps 51:9. ↑
- Heb 9:14. ↑
- See 1 Jn 2:16; Heb 11:26. ↑
- LR 7,1 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- Chronologia Historico-legalis Seraphici Ordinis Fratrum Minorum, I, Naples 1650, ch. VII, p. 129b; G. Boccali, Il “libricto” del Beato Antonio conservato a San Damiano, in “Il beato Antonio da Strancone”, Porziuncola 1993, p. 114. ↑
- LR 7,1 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- ER 8,7 (FA:ED I 70); see 2 Cor 11:26; Gal 2:4; Jn 12:6. ↑
- ER 13,1-2 (FA:ED I 73). ↑
- For 21-23: Test 31-33 (FA:ED I 126-127). ↑
- For 24-25: ER 19,1-2 (FA:ED I 77). ↑
- LR 7,1 (FA:ED I 103). ↑
- For the curse of Francis see 2C 106,156 (FA:ED II 348); LMj 8,3 (FA:ED II 588); AC 59 (FA:ED II 162); 2MP 5, 87 (FA:ED III 336). ↑
- See Lk 10:34. ↑
- LR 7,2 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- ER 19,3 (FA:ED I 77). ↑
- For 37-38: ER 20,1-2 (FA:ED I 77). ↑
- For 39-42: ER 20,3-6 (FA:ED I 77-78). See Jas 5:16. ↑
- See Mt 16:19; 18:18. ↑
- See Jn 6:54 (55). ↑
- Lk 22:19; 1 Cor 11:24. ↑
- LR 7,3 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- See Jn 11:35; Lk 19:41. ↑
- LR 7,3 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- LR 10,1 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- LR 8,1 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- For 2-3: See Olivi Expositio 8,III,1 (p. 182,5-9). ↑
- See Lk 22:27. ↑
- For 4-7: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 29 (PG 31,991C) according to Clareno’s own translation. ↑
- See Ez 3:18; Lk 6:23; Mt 5:12. ↑
- For 8-10: St Basil the Great, Regulae fusius tractatae, Resp. 30 (PG 31,991C-994A) according to Clareno’s own translation. See 1 Tm 3:6. ↑
- See Mk 9:34. ↑
- See Jn 10:11.14. ↑
- Jn 10:11.14. ↑
- See Phil 3:8. ↑
- For 15-18: This is Macarius of Egypt, Epistola Magna, (ed. W. Jaeger, Leiden 1954, pp. 256,13-257,13); see also Epistolae 2 (PG 34,422D-423A); De perfectione in Spiritu 8,11 (PG 34,847A-850B) according to Clareno’s own translation. ↑
- See Mt 19:29; Mk 10:29; Lk 14:26. ↑
- See Mk 9:34. ↑
- For 19-22: St Basil the Great, Sermo asceticus de renuntiatione saeculi 2 (PG 31,631B) according to Clareno’s own translation. ↑
- See Ps 84:7. For 23-26: The Prima Legenda refers to the legend of Thomas of Celano in relation to the Major Legend of St Bonaventure that is regarded as the second: 2C 139,184 (FA:ED II 364-365); AC 42 (FA:ED II 144); 2MP 4,80 (FA:ED III 324-326). ↑
- See Form of Life of Clare of Assisi 4,10 in R. Armstrong, Clare of Assisi: Early Documents, rev. ed., New York: Franciscan Institute Publications 1993, p. 69. ↑
- See 1 Pt 1:17. For 27-30: 2C 139,185 (FA:ED II 365); AC 42 (FA:ED II 144); 2MP 80 (FA:ED III 324-325). ↑
- See Ti 2:7. ↑
- See Ps 32:7; 46:2; Rom 12:16; 1 Cor 13:5; Phil 3:8; Form of Life of Clare of Assisi 4,12 in R. Armstrong, Clare of Assisi: Early Documents, rev. ed., New York: Franciscan Institute Publications 1993, p. 69. For 31-32: 2C 139,185 (FA:ED II 365); AC 43 (FA:ED II 145); 2MP 80 (FA:ED III 325). ↑
- See Jn 10:11; Lk 15:6; Mt 10:6. ↑
- For 33-38: 2C 139,186 (FA:ED II 365-66); AC 43 (FA:ED II 145); 2MP 80 (FA:ED III 326). ↑
- See Prv 10:29. ↑
- 2C 139,186 (FA:ED II 365); AC 43 (FA:ED II 145); 2MP 80 (FA:ED III 326). See Ti 2:7. ↑
- 2C 139,186 (FA:ED II 366); AC 43 (FA:ED II 145); 2MP 80 (FA:ED III 326). ↑
- See 1 Cor 4:1; LR 8, 1 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- LR 8,2 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- See LR 8,1-2 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- See LR 8,1 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- Bull Quo elongati of 28 September 1230 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 56, p. 70CD). ↑
- See 6,51; 10,75; Test 25 and 39 (FA:ED I 126-127). For the Rule ‘revealed’ to Francis and its literal observance, see Verba 4 (DAF I, p. 102; Pasztor, p. 662). AC 17 (FA:ED II 132); 2MP Introduction 1 (FA:ED III 254); see the note to v.1 of the Preface. ↑
- This gives some norms for the brothers who are able and must go to a general chapter: see Oliger, Clareni Expositio p. 190, note 2. ↑
- Lmj 4,10 (FA:ED II 557); AC 18 (FA:ED II 132); 2MP 68 (FA:ED III 313). On the number of brothers at the Chapter of Mats see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 190, note 2. ↑
- For 56-57: Quatuor Magistrorum Expositio 8,13-15 (p. 160); Olivi Expositio 8,I,D,2b (p. 180,16-18). ↑
- See LR 8,4 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- LR 8,4 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- See 4,67; LR 8,1 (FA:ED I 104). For the title ‘custodian’ as applied to various superiors, see De Digne Expositio 8, 1 (pp. 174,23-175,5); Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 191, note 2. ↑
- ER 6,3-4 (FA:ED I 68); Jn 13:14. ↑
- For the superiors as ‘servants’ of their fellow brothers see LR 10,6 (FA:ED I 105); Oliger, Clareni Expositio 8,III,1 (p. 182,5-7). ↑
- LR 9,1 (FA:ED I 104). ↑
- For 4-6: Test 6-9 (FA:ED I 125). ↑
- See 1 Kgs 4:30.31. ↑
- See 6,63-65; Rv 14:15. ↑
- For 8-13: ER 17,1-6 (FA:ED I 75). ↑
- See 1 Jn 4:8.16. ↑
- Lk 10:20. ↑
- For 14-15: ER 17,7-8 (FA:ED I 75). ↑
- See Jas 1:2. ↑
- For 16-20: ER 17,9-16 (FA:ED I 75-76); see Rom 8:6-7. ↑
- Mt 6:2.5.16. ↑
- See Mt 28:19. ↑
- For 21-22: ER 17,17-18 (FA:ED I 76). ↑
- See Lk 18:19. ↑
- ER 17,19 (FA:ED I 76); see Rom 1:25; 9:5. ↑
- AC 104 (FA:ED II 209); 2MP 1,4 (FA:ED III 258). ↑
- 2C 147,195 (FA:ED II 372); AC 47 (FA:ED II 147); 2MP 69 (FA:ED III 114). ↑
- AC 103 (FA:ED II 208); Int. Regulae 8 (DAF I, p. 90; Pasztor, pp. 657-658); 2MP 3,72 (FA:ED II 319). ↑
- For 28-29: 2C 195 (FA:ED II 372); AC 47 (FA:ED II 147); 2MP 69 (FA:ED III 314); see Ps 37:39; 2 Chr 15:4. ↑
- See LR 9,2 (FA:ED I 104-105). ↑
- Bull Prohibente Regula vestra of 12 December 1240 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 325, p. 287DA); Quatuor Mgistrorum Expositio 9,11-12 (pp. 163-164). See LR 9,2 (FA:ED I 104-105). ↑
- See Ti 1:11; 1 Pt 5:2; LR 9,3 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See Mt 16:26. ↑
- LR 9,3 (FA:ED I 105); Ps 12:7; 18:31 ↑
- See LR 9,3 (FA:ED I 105); Rom 1:16. ↑
- See Jb 21:13. ↑
- See Mt 22:11. ↑
- See Rom 5:2. ↑
- LR 9,3 (FA:ED I 105); Rom 9:28. ↑
- See Mt 19:17; 1 Jn 3:23. ↑
- LR 9,3 (FA:ED I 105); Rom 9:28. ↑
- LR 10,1 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See Olivi Expositio 10,A (p. 185, 16-22); LR 10,1 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- For 3-6: ER 4,1-5 (FA:ED I 66); see Col 3:17. ↑
- See Mt 7:12. ↑
- See Tb 4:16. ↑
- For 7-8: ER 4,6 (FA:ED I 66-67); see Mt 20:28. ↑
- See Mt 12:36; 2 Cor 5:10. ↑
- For 9-12: ER 5,1-4 (FA:ED I 67); Heb 10:31. ↑
- For 13-15: ER 5,5-6 (FA:ED I 67). ↑
- For 16-17: ER 5,7-8 (FA:ED I 67). ↑
- See Mt 9:12; Mk 2:17. ↑
- For 18-21: ER 5,9-12 (FA:ED I 67); for 18-25: see Clareni Epitolae 25 (p. 129, 15-28). ↑
- For 19-21: See Mt 20:25-27; Lk 22:26. ↑
- For 22-25: ER 5,13-17 (FA:ED I 67-68); see Gal 5:13. ↑
- See Ps 119:21. ↑
- For 26-28: ER 6,1-3 (FA:D I 68). ↑
- See Jn 13:14. ↑
- See Acts 5:29. ↑
- 1 Tm 1:5. ↑
- For 34-36: St Basil the Great, Regulae brevius tractatae, Resp. 303 (PG 31, 1298C); see Resp. 114 (PG 31, 1159BC). For 34-37: See Clareni Apologia 210,1-10, in AFH 39 (1946) 187. ↑
- Gal 1:8. ↑
- See Gal 1:8. ↑
- See Jn 10:3-5; St Basil the Great, Regulae brevius tractatae, Resp. 303 (PG 31, 1298B). ↑
- Rv 22:13. ↑
- Obedience to Christ is correct, but to put the rule as an inspired writing alongside the Gospel, so that one must obey the rule as one obeys the Gospel and not the Church, is mistaken. See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 201, note 5. ↑
- St Basil the Great, Regulae brevius tractatae, Resp. 116 (PG 31, 1162B); Resp. 119 (PG 31, 1162D-1163A). For 40-42: See Clareni Apologia 224,1-8, in AFH 39 (1946) 194; see Phil 2:8. ↑
- For 40-48: S Bernard, Epistolae 7 (76), 3 (PL 182, 95AB). See Clareni Apologia 224,8-21, in AFH 39 (1946) 194-195. Ps 125:5. ↑
- See Ez 18:20. ↑
- Acts 5:29. ↑
- For 49-52: St Bernard, Epistolae 7 (76), 3 (PL 182, 95BC). See Clareni Apologia 224,22-27, in AFH 39 (1946) 195. See Mt 15:3. ↑
- See Is 29:13. ↑
- See Gn 3:17. ↑
- For 54-55: St Bernard, Epistolae 7 (76), 4 (PL 182, 95CD). See Clareni Apologia 226,1-7, in AFH 39 (1946) 195. ↑
- See Gn 2:9.17. ↑
- St Bernard, Epistolae 7 (76), 8 (PL 182, 98A). See Clareni Apologia 226,7-10, in AFH 39 (1946) 195-196. ↑
- LR 10, 4 (FA:ED I 105). See Clareni Epistolae 14 (p. 73,17-20). ↑
- For 59-74: Leg. Vetus (of Sabatier) 2,1-11, in OCH 1 (1902) 90-95. ↑
- See 8,62; LR 10, 5 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- LR 10,6 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- For the successive story of the redaction of the Rule, written at Fonte Colombo under the command of Christ and with the opposition of certain ministers see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, note 2 to pp. 204-205; Prologue 34; 6,42; AC 17 (FA:ED II 131-132); 2MP Introduction, 1 (FA:ED III 253-254). For 64-74: Also in Chronicon, Trib. 1, 13 (p. 62,13-63,20: FF 2182-2183). ↑
- For 66-67: LR 10,4-5 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See LR 10,4 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See 8, 50; Test 25 and 38 (FA:ED I 126-127). ↑
- For 76-81: Leg. Vetus (of Sabatier) 3,1-5, in OCH 1 (1902) 96-97; Chronicon, Trib. 1,8 (pp. 49,18-50,15; FF 2173). ↑
- Ps 110:4. ↑
- See Preface 6. ↑
- See LR 10,5 (FA:ED I 105); Lk 12:15. ↑
- See LR 10,1 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See Sir 32:6; 10:7; LR 10,7 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- LR 10,7 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- ER 3,7 (FA:ED I 65). ↑
- See LR 10,7 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See LR 10,8 (FA:ED I 105); Col 1:10; Jn 1:14. ↑
- LR 10,8-10 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See Gn 3:5; 2 Cor 11:3. ↑
- For 97-99: AC 103 (FA:ED II 207); Int. Regulae 7 (DAF I, pp. 89-90; Pasztor, p. 657); 2MP 72 (FA:ED III 319). ↑
- See Mt 25:29. ↑
- See 6,55-57; AC 18 (FA:ED II 132); Verba 5 (DAF I, p. 104; Pasztor, pp. 662-663); 2MP 68 (FA:ED III 132). ↑
- See 6,58-59; AC 18 (FA:ED II 132-133); Verba 5 (DAF I, p. 104; Pasztor, p. 663); 2MP 68 (FA:ED III 314). ↑
- See Epilogue 42; Chronicon, Trib. 3,2 (pp. 93,1-94,12). ↑
- See v. 121. St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 32,25, on moderation when disputing (PG 36, 202C); see Chronicon, Trib 3,1 (p. 90, 29). ↑
- See Lam 4:1; Sg 8:7. ↑
- See Lam 4:1; Lk 8:14; Lam 2:19. ↑
- See Jer 43:6.7. ↑
- See LR 10,7-8 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See Ps 119:96; Mt 10:22; LR 10,12 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- For 110-112: Leg. Vetus (of Sabatier) 4,4-5, in OCH 1 (1902) 98; see Rv 17:1; 19:2. ↑
- 2C 116,157 (FA:ED II 349); AC 2 (FA:ED II 118); 2MP 70 (FA:ED III 315). ↑
- For 113-118: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 21,12 (PG 35, 1094C-1095A), probably in Clareno’s own translation. ↑
- See Acts 17:21. ↑
- St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 32,1, on moderation in disputes (PG 36, 174A), probably in Clareno’s own translation. ↑
- Idem, ibid. 32,24 (PG 36, 202C). ↑
- See v. 103. For 121-128: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 32,25 (PG 36, 202C-203A). ↑
- See Rom 10:6.7; 10:8. ↑
- See Rom 10:9. ↑
- For 129-132: St Gregory Nazianzus, Orationes 32,26-27, on moderation in disputes (PG 36, 203CD). See 1 Cor 1:17. ↑
- See Lk 14:28. ↑
- See 6,251; St Athanasius of Alexandria, not the Epistla ad Monachos, but the Vita S. Antonii scripta ad Monachos 20 (PG 26, 871C-874A), For St Jerome see Commentarius in Epistolam ad Colossenses 2-3 (PL 30, 855-858), attributed to St Jerome but it is rather a writing by Pelagius, English, or one of his revisions. For St Basil the Great the reference is to Epistolae 2 and 173 and 22 (see 1,194-244) (PG 32, 223-234; 647-650; 287-294). ↑
- For 135-137: Leg. Vetus (of Sabatier) 4,1-3, in OCH 1 (1902) 97-98. See Jb 1:19. ↑
- See Jer 35:6-7. See Clareni Apologia 104,8-12; 221,1, in AFH 39 (1946) 140 and 192. ↑
- For 137-139: See Clareni Apologia 221,2-10, in AFH 39 (1946) 193-194. ↑
- See Rom 9:27. ↑
- LR 10,9 (FA:ED I 105). ↑
- See Mt 10:22. ↑
- LR 11,1-2 (LR I 106). ↑
- See Gn 3:11-12; 1:26-27. ↑
- David: see 1 Sm 17:49-50; 2 Sm 11, 2-4. ↑
- Solomon: see 1Kgs 11:1-3; Samson: see Jgs 16:4-21. ↑
- 2C 78,112 (FA:ED II 322); LMj 5,5 (FA:ED II 563), but these texts do not say that the women were the mother of Francis and St Clare. See Clareno Epistolae 26 (p. 136, 17-20). ↑
- See LR 11,1-2 (FA:ED I 106). For St Basil the Great the reference is to the work Constitutiones monasticae 3,1-2 (PG 31, 1343B-1346C) or the passage quoted in 11,36-40. ↑
- Decretum Gratiani, Causa 18, quaest. 2, can. 20 and 24. ↑
- For 15-17: ER 12,1-3 (FA:ED I 72-73). ↑
- For 18-20: ER 12,5-6 (FA:ED I 73). Mt 5:28. ↑
- See 1 Cor 6:19. ↑
- See 1 Cor 3:17. ↑
- For 21-23: St Jerome, Epistolae 52,5 ad Nepotianum 5 (PL 22, 532; CSEL 54, 424); Olivi Expositio 11,B,1 (p. 191, 18-24). See LR 11,1 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- This passage comes from Olivi Expositio 11,B,2 (p. 191,25-27). See LR 11,2 (FA:ED I 106); De Digne Expositio 11,II (p. 189, 9-15); see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 219, note 1. ↑
- See LR 11,1 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- LR 11,3 (FA:ED I 106). For 29-31: See Olivi Expositio 11,B,3 (p. 192, 1-6). ↑
- See 1 Jn 4:17.18. ↑
- See LR 11,1 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- LR 11,2 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- For 36-37: St Basil the Great, Sermo asceticus de renuntiatione saeculi et de perfectione spirituali 5 (PG 31, 638AB). See also Constitutiones monasticae 3,1-2 (PG 31, 1343B-1346C). ↑
- See Gn 8:10. ↑
- For 38-40: St Basil the Great, Sermo asceticus de renuntiatione saeculi 5-6 (PG 31, 638C-639A). ↑
- See Prv 4:23. For 41-42: St Basil the Great, Sermo asceticus de renuntiatione saeculi 6 (PG 31, 639A). ↑
- LR 12,1 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- See Eph 3:18. ↑
- See Mt 5:8; 2 Cor 1:7. ↑
- See 1 Jn 4:18; Sg 8:7. For 5-6: See LMj 9,5 (FA:ED II 600). ↑
- See 1 Jn 4:17.18; Rom 12:1; Lk 10:27. ↑
- See LR 12,1 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- For 11-14: ER 16,4 (FA:ED I 74). Mt 10:16 ↑
- See Lk 16:2; Heb 13:17. ↑
- For 15-18: ER 16,5-7 (FA:ED I 74). ↑
- See 1 Pt 2:13. ↑
- See Mt 28:19. ↑
- See Jn 3:5. ↑
- For 19-21: ER 16,8-9 (FA:ED I 74). ↑
- Mt 10:32. ↑
- See Lk 9:26. ↑
- For 22-32: ER 16,10-21 (FA:ED I 74-75). ↑
- See Mk 8:35; Lk 9:24. ↑
- Mt 5:10. ↑
- See Jn 15:20. ↑
- Mt 10:23. ↑
- For 27-28: See Lk 6:22-23; Mt 5:11-12. ↑
- See Lk 12:4; Mt 10:28. ↑
- Mt 24:6. ↑
- See Lk 21:19. ↑
- Mt 10:22. ↑
- See LR 12,1 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- For 39-42: Olivi Expositio 12,A,4 (p. 193, 5-18). ↑
- See Rom 11:25-26. ↑
- See Rv 6:12; 9:13. ↑
- See 2,217; Rv 7:2. ↑
- See Mt 2:1; Acts 13:2; 15:22. For 43-44: Olivi Expositio 12,A,4 (p. 193, 19-25). ↑
- See Prologue 19. ↑
- For 45-51: This is a passage from Joachim of Fiore, quoted by Clareno from Olivi, Expositio magni prophetae Abbatis Ioachim in Apocalypsim, Venice 1527, f. 120vb, (quoted from Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 227, note 1). These would be from the promises-prophecies made to St Francis, the angel of the sixth seal: LMj, Prologue 1 (FA II 526). See Rv 7:2. ↑
- An opinion of Olivi. ↑
- See Rv 3:11. ↑
- For 52-53: See Rom 9:6-8; Chronicon, Trib. Prologue 6 (p. 28, 8-11). See Oliger, Clareni Expositio, pp. 227-228, note 6. ↑
- For 55-56: Gal 4:29-30; see Gn 21:10; Clareni Apologia 50,11-13, in AFH 39 (1946) 112. ↑
- LR 12,3 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- LR 1,2 (FA:ED I 100). ↑
- For 60-61: LR 12,3-4 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- See LR 12,3 (FA:ED I 106); 2 Cor 11:28. The idea comes from Olivi Expositio 2,B,1 (p. 193,32-34). ↑
- See LR 12,4 (FA:ED I 106); Col 1:23; Olivi Expositio 12,B,2 (p. 194,5-13). ↑
- See Ps 5:13. ↑
- See LR 12,5 (FA:ED I 106). ↑
- For 1-3: Clareno takes this from Olivi Expositio 12,B,2 (p. 194, 15-20). ↑
- For 4-28: Another long passage from Olivi Expositio, conclusion, A-B,1-2 (pp. 194,21-195,33). See Rv 12:1. ↑
- For further mystical reflections on the number twelve of the chapters of the Rule, see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. LXXIX and 231, note 5; St Bonaventure, Expositio 1,1 (Op. omn. 8, 393); J. Pecham, Canticum Pauperis, ed. Ad Claras Aquas 1905, p. 204; Ubertino da Casale, Arbor Vitae V. 5. See Lv 24:5-6. ↑
- See Is 6:2; Rv 21:14 and 2. ↑
- See Gn 2:2. ↑
- For 9-14: See Gn 1:5.7.10.14.20.26. ↑
- See LR 5,2 (FA:ED I 102). ↑
- See Acts 8:18-20. ↑
- See Rv 7:4.7. ↑
- For 29-30: See 6,498. ↑
- Ps 74:3. ↑
- See Ps 109:5; 35:12; Chronicon, Trib. 6,12 (pp. 211,21-26 and 212,4-5). ↑
- See Gn 37:24. For the bloody persecution see Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 234, notes 1 and 3. ↑
- See Lk 22:31. ↑
- See Ps 106:29; Chronicon, Trib. 1,1 (p. 36,17-31). ↑
- See Lk 1:72; Bull Quo elongati of 28 September 1230 of Gregory IX (BF I, num. 56, p. 68B) in which is stated that the brothers are not bound to the observance of the Testament. See Rv 12:1; Ex 25:30; Lv 24:5.6. ↑
- Chronicon, Trib. 2,6 (p. 83,16-20). ↑
- See 10,102; Chronicon, Trib. 3,2 (pp. 93,1-94,12). ↑
- See Chronicon, Trib. 4,8 (pp. 126,24-127,30). ↑
- An allusion to the place of the death of John of Parma who died at Camerino (19/20 March 1289). See Chronicon, Trib. 4,9 (p. 129,3-16); Oliger, Clareni Expositio, p. 235, note 6. ↑
- Chronicon, Trib. 5,1 (p. 131,8ff.). ↑
- See Rv 6:10. ↑
- See Rv 6:11. ↑
- See Chronicon, Trib. 6-7. ↑
- See Is 60:2. ↑
- See Rv 22:13. ↑
- See Jn 21:19; Mt 8:22; Lk 18:22; Is 2:3. ↑
- ER 21,1 (FA:ED I 79). ↑
- See ER 21,1-9 (FA:ED I 78). ↑
- See ER 22,1ff. (FA:ED I 79). ↑
- See ER 24,5 (FA:ED I 81). ↑